Main Guidelines of Estonia’s Foreign Policy
Address by Mr. Urmas Paet, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Estonia to the Riigikogu on behalf of the Government of Estonia
6 June 2006
Honourable Chairman,
Respected Members of the Riigikogu,
Dear guests,
Not all foreign policy is part of a nation's security policy. These two terms are not joined by an equal sign.
Even foreign policy professionals have to sometimes simply ask themselves, just like the man on the street – why do we even need a foreign policy, if it doesn't improve the state’s and the people's security? Why do we need all those visits and treaties, conferences and forums, if they do not serve a single and discernible purpose? If vital questions are given hazy answers that explain what's going on in the world in a doubting "on the one hand, whereas, on the other hand" manner, then, although they may be academically as right as they can be, they do not satisfy anyone.
Time and time again, we have to repeat to ourselves, that foreign policy is actually national security policy, more than anything else. A nation's foreign service is a nation's front line.
The chosen basic theme of today's address is security. This is the catchword, the window through which we view what is presently going on in the world. As you may recall, Archimedes stated, that "give me a place on which to stand, and I will move the earth". Well, our objective is not to move the earth, but let us use the issue of security as a firm foothold from which to better comprehend the world, as well as our activities in the international foreign policy sphere in the spring of 2006, and let us hope, that we will be able to shift some stagnant thoughts.
What does the concept of security actually encompass? A great deal, from everyone’s desire to get home safely every evening, to Estonia’s national objective of becoming a member of the UN’s Security Council in the year 2020.
At one time, the whole issue of security was expressed only through war and peace. Everyone can imagine a front line and the enemy. That is what the traditional or hard or symmetrical security dimension looks like to the common consciousness. But so-called soft, new, and asymmetrical security problems have, in the last decades, begun to be entwined with each other as well as with the older ones, so that the situation has become very complicated. International terrorism, trafficking in drugs, trafficking in human beings, trafficking in illegal arms, epidemics cannot be driven beyond a visible front line. Even the insidious processes of economic expansion, environmental problems, social ills that develop beyond a critical point, and other seemingly soft threats can become unexpectedly severe and catastrophic. The better that our police and health care services, our environmental and emergency services function, the fewer hotbeds there are for security risks to develop. The more efficiently that we move towards a common European energy policy, the fewer chances there are for becoming overly dependent and to be struck by an economic crisis.
The true nature of the situation could, for instance, be graded with the aid of the following questions:
- Are so-called soft and hard threats always even distinguishable from each other?
- Is energy security associated with environmental security? For instance, oil-filled tankers in the Gulf of Finland and tank cars in the centre of Tallinn are, on the one hand, an economic necessity, but are a potential natural disaster, on the other.
- If the average life expectancy of a male Estonian is only 66.3 years, are, then, the Estonians’ poor health, and the negative growth rate of the Estonian population, our security problem number 1, 5, or 37?
- Is the increased freedom of movement for labour in Europe, this spring, only a positive development, or does this issue also have a security dimension?
- Do the spasms of world commerce -- for instance, the rise in the price of oil, in April, to more than 70 dollars a barrel, whereas, a year ago, it was less than 50 dollars a barrel -- affect our economy, at the moment, dangerously?
- Has the Estonian government, in this, the age of media, made sufficient use of all media channels for ensuring its security, both domestically and abroad?
Etc.
Distinguished Riigikogu,
We can state, that the intertwining of internal and external security is dependent upon three factors.
Firstly, a nation-state delegates various aspects of exercising its sovereignty to supranational bodies, as do members of the European Union (for instance, within the framework of the Schengen Treaty). As the well-known European, Robert Cooper, has said with such biting elegance: "For a postmodern state, sovereignty means a place at the table."
Secondly. In a globalised world, the pace at which threats spread has increased incredibly, and this fact is reducing the significance of national borders.
And thirdly, global threats can only be countered collectively. This forces us to consider the international aspects of every domestic security decision, and vice-versa.
The spectre of new, non-military or non-conventional security threats is very broad. When the present national security concept was adopted here, in this very hall, in the year 2004, it was felt that at least eight such phenomena could pose a threat to Estonia – beginning with terrorism and ending with social as well as infotechnological threats. Some of these, like terrorism, threaten our democratic values and the foundations of statehood. While others, like contagious diseases, can victimise anyone. But drug addiction, devastating plagues, and even terrorism have, after all, accompanied mankind for thousands of years! Thus, they become contemporary threats by the extraordinary speed and scope of their spreading, which, for instance, can transform an isolated virus mutation, within days, into a global threat. And today, national borders are lower than the Wall of China!
In the world of new threats, the time given to react is becoming ever shorter, and that is increasing the sense of danger for all of us. To make use of a military term, the world is constantly being threatened by a potential surprise attack. Which, in human terms, increases the threat of both over- and under-reacting. And the fear of being surprised, naturally, provides gist for media speculation.
Terrorism, as a catchword in the security policy vocabulary, stands, for some time now, scarily apart from the others. It has a status all its own.
From 1996 on, UN Member Nations have been conducting negotiations for preparing a comprehensive convention against terrorism. This convention could be a worthy overview of the UN’s endeavours, up till now, for creating a legal foundation for the suppression of international terrorism. The essential segment of these international laws consists of the 13 conventions for the suppression of terrorism that the UN has adopted up till now. These have also been signed by Estonia. To monitor the fulfilling of the appropriate commitments, the UN Security Council has adopted resolutions that call upon Member Nations to submit annual implementation reports.
The comprehensive convention against terrorism should give us a definition of terrorism, which has not existed before in international law. But – the debates in the UN continue. A role in not achieving an agreement has been played by the Palestinian problem, thanks to which, the defining of terrorism has been replaced by a lengthy argument concerning what are, and what are not, legal means for fighting against a foreign occupation.
The European Union, including, naturally, Estonia, has been campaigning for the conclusion of the convention debates by the year 2006.
To add a practical dimension to the ideological arguments, the general secretary of the UN has now made a proposal for drawing up a UN strategy for the suppression of terrorism.
Respected parliament of Estonia,
Every political observer today knows that (although, motivated by self-interest, this is, sometimes, knowingly forgotten) NATO is not only a military organisation, but rather, a political-military one.
As a member of NATO, the development of NATO is very close to our heart, as are its principles:
- NATO is based upon the Washington Treaty and is committed to the principles therein, or, in other words, to the common protection of democracy
- NATO must be able to ensure its conventional defence, while also being able to meet new challenges, which both must remain bases for the formulating of its plans.
NATO is Estonia's major guarantee of external security, and everything that occurs in this context is definitely of constant interest to the Estonian Riigikogu. Even short overviews of even a short list of various NATO connected issues would require a separate hour-long speech.
Therefore, I will mention only a few of the essential NATO context sub-themes, each of which, is quite extensive:
Comprehensive Political Guidelines, joint funding, air policing, the NATO rapid reaction forces, international peace-keeping missions, the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council and the Partnership for Peace Programme, cooperation between NATO and the states of the Mediterranean Dialogue as well as NATO and the Middle East states, the NATO-Russia cooperation forum, the NATO-Ukraine relationship and NATO-Georgia cooperation.
No over-emphasis would be superfluous when stressing how essential it is for Estonia to comprehend what is actually occurring in connection with these terms, and to understand, that changes within NATO directly involve Estonia. And it is not superfluous to again stress, that Estonia is keeping the promises made when joining NATO, and is fulfilling the commitments that were made, the cornerstone of which is the steady increasing of defence expenditures, till they form 2% of GDP. It is also essential to fulfil the so-called 8/40 criterion, which means, that Estonia should have at least 8% of its military forces deployed on foreign operations, and that 40% should, in principle, be prepared for such deployment. Estonia has promised to achieve such a state of actual readiness already by the year 2010 – 350 defence personnel on an international military operation.
Only thus are we trustworthy allies. Our trustworthiness is the best guarantee of our international security.
Or let us take a look at a sub-theme – the NRF, NATO Reaction Force. The year-long deployment of the Admiral Pitka, the one ship of Estonia’s humble navy, in NATO’s rapid reaction forces, as the flagship of a NATO naval squadron, is over, but the Estonian navy gained priceless experiences, and Estonia earned a fair amount of political trust. Even our domestic optimists could not have predicted something like this ten years ago.
NATO's discernible presence in Estonia is effectively expressed with the term "air policing". The air space of the Baltic states has, by now, been guarded by the planes of nine states. For us, the guarantee, that our air space is being policed 24 hours a day, 7 days a week, is of vital importance. Looking far into the future, it is obvious, that Ämari airport still needs to be developed, and that a final strategic air policing solution has to be figured out.
Politicians, diplomats, and military experts dealing with national security, be they in uniform or civvies, are on the job, day-to-day, here at home, in Brussels, and elsewhere. But, for Estonia, of major importance is also the research institute being established, The Centre for International Defence Research, where strategic matters concerning the security of our state and people will be analysed, and where the analysts will not be, as are civil servants, dependent, on a daily basis, upon the dictates of the calendar and the daily work schedule.
To improve the efficacy of the national security policy, those making the decisions must be supplied with better-analysed information and recommendations than before, just as the movement of information within the government system must be speeded up. Consideration should be given to the establishment of a “situation centre”, which would deal with the coordinating and analysing of information, essential for the government, pertaining to national security and ongoing operations. So that no fax would, ever again, lie, forgotten, on the corner of some table, while, at the same time, oil from a ship pours into the Baltic Sea.
It is natural, that Estonia, in every way, supports NATO’s open door policy. While, of course, monitoring every candidate’s individual development. Presently, three states have Membership Action Plans. Croatia’s preparations have been, in principle, sufficient to warrant an invitation. Whereas, Albania and Macedonia should still do some homework.
Estonia is of the opinion, that Ukraine should receive encouraging news, concerning accession to MAP, before the Riga Summit, and that Georgia is ready to join the Intensified Dialogue Programme. We know, from our own experience, how the MAP process promotes domestic reform. Estonia itself has sent an expert to NATO’s Kiev bureau, and a defence advisor to Georgia, so as to pass on our experiences with reforms.
Our interest in these matters is prompted by both genuine solidarity, as well as pragmatic self-interest. The more nations that share with us the same values, and follow the same path as we do, the safer we will be in our home. But our home, in the broader sense, is Europe, and in the interests of Europe’s peace, it is, naturally, of the utmost importance to ensure peace and stability in the Balkans, in the Caucasus, and in the various regions of Eastern Europe.
The present four foreign missions to which Estonian defence personnel are deployed are, for the general public, the most noticeable part of our international security-related activities. Nevertheless, I’d rather not dwell, today, in length, upon the history, background, and details of all of these military operations, since, when granting and extending the mandates of all of these missions, you have, here in this hall, always, thoroughly discussed, all the relevant details. Estonia regards the activities of its military personnel, on these missions, to be very essential. We do not place an equal sign between NATO and our missions, but rather, we draw a straight line that joins them as one.
The Defence Forces’ missions are, even in Estonia’s context, a typical example of how foreign, security, defence, and domestic policy cannot, actually, be separated. It is up to the wisdom of the state, in this situation, to always properly evaluate the relationship of these various components. In the domestic policy sphere, differing views of the world come into play, as do the interests of various voting groups. And, inevitably, the clashes between local and national interests. In the defence policy sphere, in the case of every mission, there is a thorough examination of whether we have the funds, men, equipment, and will to put together the mission. We look at the future of all the missions as a whole. For Estonia, it is wiser not to disperse its strength, but rather, to limit the number of its missions. We have to make a realistic assessment of our resources, since difficult missions require both the thorough training, as well as the recuperation of defence personnel. And all this sets its limits. But the whole context is security oriented, and the foreign policy dimension is the determining factor. We have to calculate with which partners, and to what extent, as well as where, we permit our Defence Forces to operate outside of Estonia.
In the foreign policy context, we have to maintain and develop relations with our partner states, and must take into consideration our international commitments in the organisations that we have joined – NATO, the European Union, and the UN.
And now, a selection of noteworthy facts.
Today, there are 244 Estonian military personnel deployed on foreign missions.
Of these, in Iraq, with various assignments, 40; in Afghanistan, 80. Estonia will also be sending a civilian specialist to Afghanistan. In Kosovo, 89; Bosnia and Herzegovina 33. This mission is, for the first time in Estonian history, based upon the Defence League. Two military observers are at the disposal of the UN.
At the moment, the Riigikogu’s mandate allows the sending of up to 375 defence personnel on missions. For Estonia, as a state, which, as recently as 1992, started to re-establish its national defence structures from zero, this is a remarkable achievement. All our talk concerning the development of our defence capabilities, international commitments, and NATO partnership would remain empty boasts, if we didn’t fill in the gaps between all those sentences with concreteness. The 244 people on missions are a very high per capita indicator for Estonia in the comparison between nations, and indicate, that we are definitely moving in the direction of fulfilling the NATO 8/40 criterion.
Afghanistan is the most important foreign mission for NATO and the Estonian Defence Forces.
The supporting of Afghanistan's national development will remain a NATO priority for a long time, and we will have to plan our activities there for years to come. The achieving of the international operation's objective would reduce very many of the risks mentioned as being European Union and NATO security threats. Let us recall, that a large part of the narcotics used in the Nordic countries come from Afghanistan… The building up process of this nation could last for decades, and during this period, the international presence in Afghanistan is regarded as being essential.
This year, Estonia’s contribution will increase to 120 defence personnel, and we will be adding, to the military, a civilian element.
The extending of the Iraq mission has always been the most discussed. But the objectives, for which the Iraq mission was launched, have not yet been achieved. We will, as previously, remain committed to the UN decision and the endeavours of the Iraqi government.
Even a military conflict with just regional dimensions extensively subverts the stability of our inadequately human world, in both time and space. Let us take just one example. The last Balkan drama occurred, in the historical context, just the day before yesterday. But human suffering was, once more, accumulated, to last for generations. The Balkans have calmed down, but the after-effects take a long time to unwind. Today, Estonian defence personnel are in the Balkans, and we regard this as being very essential. We, also, are maintaining Europe’s peace there, nothing more, nothing less.
At the same time, Montenegro's peaceful separation from Serbia must be welcomed. We will recognise Montenegro when it officially declares its independence.
The size of the Kosovo contingent will have to be reviewed this year, and it is not impossible, that it will be reduced. In the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the future of the mission will depend upon a local threat assessment. The role of the Defence League in the Balkans must continue.
But, today, Estonia also has a fifth foreign mission, although in a somewhat different format. I would regard the Estonian Development Cooperation and Humanitarian Assistance Development Programme for the years 2006 – 2010 as being such a mission. It lists the principles for giving assistance as well as the target countries, the spheres of activities, and the amounts involved. The fundamental and financial support for human rights and democracy elsewhere in the world is our national strategy and part of our international security posture. Just think of such basic truths as the fact that 1.2 billion people spend less than one dollar a day, and, that a child in a developing country can be fed with a lunch costing less than 19 U.S. cents.
Our prognosis is that Estonia will, this year, devote 126 million kroons to development and humanitarian aid. Both, this amount, as well as the extent of our activities, must, in the future, be increased, as we have already planned. The present activities encompass the training of officials from our main development cooperation partners of Ukraine, Moldova, and Georgia, crisis aid for Darfur, assistance for recovering from the recent earthquake in Indonesia, a contribution to the UN Emergency Aid Fund, and much more. A noteworthy indication of how Estonia’s activities and know-how have been appreciated is the fact that UN Secretary General Kofi Annan named the director general of the Rescue Board, Mati Raidma, as Estonia’s representative to the Council of the UN Emergency Aid Central Fund.
Respected parliament,
A small nation, which has recently joined the European Union and NATO, can, appropriately, be compared to a person who, after years of skimping, at the expense of their stomach, has finally moved into their desired house in a good residential area. But now they have to start living a desired new life in this house! And the person is confronted with the question – what should my life here be like? The right answer to this question, on the national level, is the greatest security guarantee for Estonia. Since we live in an opened world, then this answer, in any case, deals with foreign policy. And abandon the thought, which is falsely floating in the Estonian atmosphere like dust, that Estonia’s great objectives have disappeared! After all, a person’s greatest constant objective is to achieve a life full of meaning, and the endeavours towards this never cease. And, at this point, do not separate the individual and the state!
And now, let us talk concretely about the European Union, about this, our new home.
The basic, reader level wisdom is, that NATO produces security and the European Union produces wealth. So, repeat to yourselves again, that security is not just a military dimension, but is also part of all everyday European Union activities. This includes the readiness to ensure information security, to keep migration under control, or to combat bird flu. To deal with all this, various duties have been assigned. Border guards, police officers, and health officials know that they also participate in creating security. The European Union does a great deal of very essential coordinating and guiding. The European Union is a source of financial assistance and experiences. The framework of the European Union can help to concentrate attention upon a sore point like human trafficking or the fight against HIV, and to even bring about a decisive breakthrough.
But the importance of being a member of the European Union becomes apparent through various spheres – sporadically and in many different ways. Estonia’s development leap is no longer drastic, and we are not yet fully integrated. The objectives seem to be ambiguous, compared to the time when we were just striving towards membership.
Let’s face the facts. The European Union is not the end of history. The European Union has to solve questions both great and small. The appeal of membership is the fact that we can also have an opportunity to channel development. 2006 is the year for Estonia to formulate certain attitudes. The further fate of the Constitutional Treaty, the Schengen Treaty, eurozone issues, energy debates, issues concerning the free movement of labour and services, the Financial Perspective, the extent of enlargement in space and time – all this forces Estonia to define itself, in the European Union context, for years. So let us ask ourselves – are we prepared for all this? Prepared to define, explain, and defend our positions?
A sceptical analyst has said, that the citizens of France and Holland, by rejecting the European Union’s Constitutional Treaty, not only killed this specific treaty, but also derailed the engine that was taking Europe towards extensive integration. And he claims, that most of the year 2006 will be wasted upon repairing the engine.
If, 20 years ago, a European politician needed a great deal of courage to openly be a euroskeptic, then now it requires a great deal of courage to openly support the further development of cooperation within the European Union.
Estonia has ratified the Constitutional Treaty. We made our contribution to restoring the driving force of the engine, and signalled the others, that we are a vital nation. And we also bring up problems that haven't disappeared. The Constitutional Treaty dispute has, for instance, focussed attention upon one of Europe’s serious problems – not only is there a split between the public opinion and the politicians’ opinion, but also between the opinions of the various nations, and then comes the aforementioned split. There are no recipes for this in Grandmother’s cookbook, but the journey towards a solution, is always launched, by precisely defining the problem.
Quite justifiably, there is concern over the fact that, in Estonia, one can confront isolationist thinking, which discards the wisdom of others, and has no regard for what is happening elsewhere in Europe or the rest of the world. Just ten years ago, we believed, that floods just devastated far away foreign lands, until, quite unexpectedly, Pärnumaa and Läänemaa were also under water. This winter’s incidents concerning oil pollution on the Estonian coast came as a nasty surprise for many, although they should have been well aware of the increase in shipping. If an outstandingly brilliant curriculum was formulated, but all generations lacked a desire to constantly continue educating themselves, then we would have to talk about a national security crisis brought about by a lack of education. But, fortunately, this threat is full of holes like Swiss cheese. Nevertheless, take note that incompetence, ignorance, and the lack of obtaining information are, in a certain context, synonymous with the term security risk.
For years, there has been talk in Estonia about the need for keeping foreign, security, and defence policy separate from everyday politics. The stressing of this position is even occurring today. Nevertheless, the domestic and foreign policy dimensions are, in the contemporary open living space, inseparable. So, it should not be assumed, that a road tax has been imposed only as the result of local pressures, or that the justification for the shooting down of a so-called renegade plane only serves foreign policy interests. We must make all decisions and take all actions for their own sake, meanwhile realising, the wider panorama of phenomena, and the chain reactions brought about by decisiveness, or the lack of it.
And further. Estonia must always be aware of worldwide realities. Estonia is not a superstate. In accordance with this fact, we have to be flexible when adapting to situations, when looking for partners to cooperate with, and when making use of those spheres in which we can actually exert some influence. That is a realistic road guide for conducting an external security policy.
Honourable parliament,
Estonia's constant and permanent objective could be to help increase security in the world. Thus, it would be possible to increase the security of every Estonian resident, and that, after all, is the reason for the existence of the Estonian state. That is a great objective.
In any case, we produce security by participating in military operations. Whereas, the European Union produces security just by existing. By today, the younger generation, in the older Member States, seems to have forgotten this altogether. But, in the new Member States, the European Union is, primarily, seen as an additional guarantee against more distant external pressures. It is also clear, that the more states there are that are strong and democratic, the less chances there are for military conflicts.
Every additional new Member State produces security just by fulfilling the accession criteria. This is the very reason why Estonia supports enlargement. Plus, the Neighbourhood Policy – the constant enlarging of the area where the development of democracy, economic welfare, a general sense of security, and the rule of law dominate, produces additional security. Therefore, Estonia, within the limit of its resources, is continually supporting democratic processes in the Caucasian states as well as in Moldova, Ukraine, and Belarus. Therefore, we attach great importance to the European Union's Northern Dimension Programme, which is focussing attention upon the uniqueness of Europe’s north-eastern region as a whole, and is creating an additional opportunity for solving basic lifestyle problems, which often ignore borders, such as the spreading of contagious diseases, or economic activity which endangers the environment.
More extensive everyday relations and pragmatic cooperation between neighbouring states, as well as the creation of conditions conducive to economic activities on both sides of the border, are also essential factors from the aspect of ensuring international security. This is also something that we can learn from the half a century of experiences that the European Union has to offer us.
And now, to deal with our immediate tasks. Let us first focus upon joining the Schengen area. For states party to the Schengen Agreement, the disappearance of internal borders does not mean an increase in security risks. Quite the opposite. It means greater cooperation between the various police forces and immigration services, a better exchange of data, a sharing of information. And the realistic hope of avoiding terrorist attacks lies specifically in the latter factor. This has been testified to by both those states that have suffered as well as those that have prevented catastrophes, this being testified to by the European Union. Information is shared with those that are trusted. This trust must be earned. The Estonian authorities are already being assessed. The first to be tested was our Consulate General in St. Petersburg on 17 May. Our Embassy in Kiev will be evaluated on 22 June, the maritime border in July, and the eastern border at the beginning of September. Joining the Schengen area is not an activity that is limited to a narrow circle of officials, but is, rather, a national assignment, and quite awe inspiring in scope. Here, the Riigikogu has a very essential role.
Upon joining the Schengen visa space, our concepts of internal security will be transformed. Figuratively speaking, Estonian security will also be determined by what is happening at every kilometre of the European Union’s external border, which extends for thousands of kilometres. And vice-versa. The solving of problems created by illegal migration, which has to be dealt with by Italy, Spain, and other Mediterranean Member States, effects Estonia’s internal security, to the same extent, as our national preparations for joining the Schengen area.
Even today, I’m speaking separately about NATO and the European Union, but, NB!, we do not have separate units for the operations of either organisation. It is this common point concerning security that is worth noting. Therefore, we regard the close coordination of the activities of the two structures as being extraordinarily fruitful. Let’s be honest. The relations between NATO and the European Union are, by no means, what they should be. The 19 states belonging to both structures cannot, when entering the conference rooms of either organisation, suddenly have differing positions on matters pertaining to security. So that, there is a need for close cooperative activities and common analysis. This cooperation must begin on the political level, since, that is precisely where the problems lie. Estonia is among those states, which, out of need for more intense cooperation, has promoted it on both the political as well as the diplomatic levels. If the present formal frameworks are inadequate for satisfying our needs for cooperation, then, it should not be excluded, that the need for reforming them will be placed on the agenda. The improving of NATO and European Union cooperation will mean, in addition to greater efficiency, among other things, savings in manpower and money. In accordance with this, Estonia plans to continue contributing to the development of European Union and NATO relations.
Members of the parliament,
Who of us hasn't encountered a carefree attitude towards life! After the 11 September 2001, the phrase "it's sooo September the tenth!" has come into use in America, which refers to unwarranted recklessness. An Estonian diplomat has, in store, an anecdote from his own life, which he's willing to tell quite openly, and now, with the thoughtful tone of one with an appropriate experience behind him:
The Estonian Embassy in Washington had just moved into its temporary quarters. On 10 September 2001, the Embassy chauffer asked our diplomat whether he should also bring a TV to the Embassy. The diplomat answered spontaneously: "I don't think there’s any great necessity, since a TV is needed in an embassy only when something major is happening, but at the moment, nothing significant seems to be on the horizon,,,"
Thus, "sooo September the tenth!", in the true sense of the word.
Are we all so sure, that such an attitude cannot be encountered in Estonia right at this moment?
Let us hope so!
Honourable parliament,
The dramatic intertwining of economics and security, and, separately, of energy and security, is a contemporary phenomenon.
With references to the efforts of Russian capital to influence political decisions in the other Baltic states, there are questions in the air concerning the possible influence that investments from abroad might have on our security. Yes, we are curious, if investors have any other objectives than just investing. We talk about the relationship between economics and politics in Estonia. We are not indifferent to who invests in Estonia. Attention must be paid, primarily, to those spheres, in which, security is a concern – energy and the infrastructure.
A black and white attitude cannot be adopted in the case of Russian capital. Every incident must be examined separately. But often, the true source of the investment cannot even be discerned, since the investor’s country of origin is not, necessarily, the whole story. We, of course, have to believe in Estonia’s progress, and in the openness, which has brought us this progress. But we have to interfere when, using a free market economy as a cover, we are actually being offered foreign political interests and influences, or even criminality and corruption. We have to think about ensuring the greater transparency of the Estonian economy, so that there could be no participants with hazy backgrounds, who might want to influence the domestic or foreign policy decisions of Estonian government agencies.
We can presume, that energy is a sphere of economics in which the well-known principle holds true, that the less regulating there is, the easier it is for us and for our economy to be flexible.
But, there are at least three reasons why this is not so.
Firstly, in the case of energy, we automatically think about how our home should be heated and lit. Energy, more than any other economic activity, is emotionally connected with our sense of security.
Secondly, in the sphere of energy, the market forces and mechanisms do not function between nations and firms in a balancing manner that would provide the best terms and conditions for the consumer.
Thirdly, the economic activities associated with energy have a multiple times further time-horizon than almost all other spheres of economic activity.
Energy is a sphere in which both the state, as well as cooperation between states, are needed to a greater, rather than a lesser degree. Various global trends, like the depletion of resources by ever-increasing consumption, environmental problems, and the use of energy as a political weapon, are constantly becoming nastier. But unfortunately, in connection with energy, in Estonia, as well as in all of the European Union, there is still a lack of will to take concrete steps. We, for instance, need a common position for dealing with OPEC, Russia, and other suppliers. We need the economy to be regulated in a manner that would orient us towards a new energy era. There is probably no need to prove that a new era is just around the corner. No alternative is superfluous in the dangerously one-sided field of contemporary energetics. Thus, the Baltic Sea Ring, the Estling Cable, the gas pipeline between Estonia and Finland, as well as various other projects are of vital importance for us.
In matters concerning energy, the Baltic states are all in a very similar situation, and need to cooperate. All three states have similar basic concerns – rising energy costs, the excessive connectedness of our power grids with monopolistic Russian firms, the isolation of Baltic power grids from those of the European Union Member States, the fact that energy is becoming a means for applying international political pressure, the increasing significance of environmental requirements.
The European Commission’s Green Book, issued at the beginning of March, provides a good basis for discussion, especially since the Book’s general themes are quite suitable for us.
The European Union should seriously contribute to major infrastructure construction, so that certain Member States would no longer be vulnerable due to their isolation. Estonia is convinced, that when large-scale infrastructure construction projects are drawn up, the interests of all Member States must be taken into consideration. Thanks to inadequate explanations, there are still unanswered questions concerning the Baltic Sea gas pipeline, since, before being announced, the project was never discussed with all the countries adjoining the Baltic Sea. Even an assessment of the potential environmental effects of the gas pipeline has not been started yet. And ask yourselves, whether we would want a branch line to come to Estonia? How much would we be willing to pay for this? Or would it be more practical to invest this money in the further expansion of the gas storage facilities in Latvia? These questions require thorough analysis by appropriate experts. At the same time, Estonia has maintained its clear position, that the gas pipeline project was launched improperly, since the interests of all the Baltic Sea countries were not taken into consideration. Estonia is also stressing the necessity for environmental studies of the gas pipeline, and would like to participate in them.
Those who deal with the European Union's political and security questions should also see to it that a much clearer attempt is made to explain the connection between energy and security, as is done in the United States. In this matter, the European Union is much too passive. It must be repeated in a booming voice, that, in the energy sphere, a long time, 8 – 10 years, lapses between the making of a decision, and the actual launching of a project. Estonia should be one of the motors that drives the European Union towards the creation of a common energy policy.
Questions concerning competition in the European Union's common energy market need regulating, as do the activities of third country, state controlled, large-scale suppliers in the European Union’s internal market.
Also, dealing with the questions concerning the future of emissions trading in the European Union should not be delayed, as should not, especially, be the renewing of the Kyoto Agreement's mechanism, which expires in the year 2012. Both private firms and nations are waiting for the horizon to be cleared up.
Respected representatives of the people,
You, who have, ex officio, always delved into the matter of the historical roles of various individuals, will, probably, especially appreciate my following words.
A separate chapter in our constantly developing foreign policy activities should be the utilisation of new experiences, information, and contacts. Not only Estonia's 38 diplomatic representations abroad, as well as our career diplomats, but also the ever greater number of people from Estonia who are employed in the international arena – this is Estonia's growing resource. Here at home, we must keep our ears open, to hear the messages that they send us. The results of this attentiveness must be reflected in the work of the whole government apparatus.
Let us be more active in seeking employment in international structures like the European Union, the UN, NATO, and other such systems. It used to be, that when we talked about dealing with the rest of the world, we usually referred to diplomats. But now, ever more opportunities are opening up for politicians as well as various experts and specialists. And it is important, that we not allow our standards to drop. Someone from Estonia may one day contend for the position of secretary general of either the UN or NATO, not to even mention the position of EU special representative, or vice-president of the UN General Assembly. If only they have the desire to study, and the will.
The Estonian government should support the special schooling of those applying for positions in EU structures. The proper combination of personal initiative and government assistance can be doubly effective.
The security of the nation is increased by specific people being in specific positions. It is possible to influence these matters even far from home. That, which we were cut off from for half a century, is now a reality. The proof of this is embodied by individuals like Siim Kallas, Toomas Hendrik Ilves, Tunne Kelam and others. Not to even mention the work having been done by Estonian diplomats during the last 15 years.
The matter of security is never ending, but formalities force me to end this address. But I would prefer not to conclude with NATO themed, or other, so-called, dramatically strong sentences.
When pondering the connections between foreign policy and national security, as well as the inter-layering of these two concepts, never forget, that a small nation cannot remain whole, if it is not held together by its own language and culture, its sense of home, and the knowledge of its own history. These concepts, classically treated as soft values, are, when need be, harder than rock, and stronger than iron. Hidden in them, we can always find the seed that ensures our survival.
I thank you for your attention.
6 June 2006
Honourable Chairman,
Respected Members of the Riigikogu,
Dear guests,
Not all foreign policy is part of a nation's security policy. These two terms are not joined by an equal sign.
Even foreign policy professionals have to sometimes simply ask themselves, just like the man on the street – why do we even need a foreign policy, if it doesn't improve the state’s and the people's security? Why do we need all those visits and treaties, conferences and forums, if they do not serve a single and discernible purpose? If vital questions are given hazy answers that explain what's going on in the world in a doubting "on the one hand, whereas, on the other hand" manner, then, although they may be academically as right as they can be, they do not satisfy anyone.
Time and time again, we have to repeat to ourselves, that foreign policy is actually national security policy, more than anything else. A nation's foreign service is a nation's front line.
The chosen basic theme of today's address is security. This is the catchword, the window through which we view what is presently going on in the world. As you may recall, Archimedes stated, that "give me a place on which to stand, and I will move the earth". Well, our objective is not to move the earth, but let us use the issue of security as a firm foothold from which to better comprehend the world, as well as our activities in the international foreign policy sphere in the spring of 2006, and let us hope, that we will be able to shift some stagnant thoughts.
What does the concept of security actually encompass? A great deal, from everyone’s desire to get home safely every evening, to Estonia’s national objective of becoming a member of the UN’s Security Council in the year 2020.
At one time, the whole issue of security was expressed only through war and peace. Everyone can imagine a front line and the enemy. That is what the traditional or hard or symmetrical security dimension looks like to the common consciousness. But so-called soft, new, and asymmetrical security problems have, in the last decades, begun to be entwined with each other as well as with the older ones, so that the situation has become very complicated. International terrorism, trafficking in drugs, trafficking in human beings, trafficking in illegal arms, epidemics cannot be driven beyond a visible front line. Even the insidious processes of economic expansion, environmental problems, social ills that develop beyond a critical point, and other seemingly soft threats can become unexpectedly severe and catastrophic. The better that our police and health care services, our environmental and emergency services function, the fewer hotbeds there are for security risks to develop. The more efficiently that we move towards a common European energy policy, the fewer chances there are for becoming overly dependent and to be struck by an economic crisis.
The true nature of the situation could, for instance, be graded with the aid of the following questions:
- Are so-called soft and hard threats always even distinguishable from each other?
- Is energy security associated with environmental security? For instance, oil-filled tankers in the Gulf of Finland and tank cars in the centre of Tallinn are, on the one hand, an economic necessity, but are a potential natural disaster, on the other.
- If the average life expectancy of a male Estonian is only 66.3 years, are, then, the Estonians’ poor health, and the negative growth rate of the Estonian population, our security problem number 1, 5, or 37?
- Is the increased freedom of movement for labour in Europe, this spring, only a positive development, or does this issue also have a security dimension?
- Do the spasms of world commerce -- for instance, the rise in the price of oil, in April, to more than 70 dollars a barrel, whereas, a year ago, it was less than 50 dollars a barrel -- affect our economy, at the moment, dangerously?
- Has the Estonian government, in this, the age of media, made sufficient use of all media channels for ensuring its security, both domestically and abroad?
Etc.
Distinguished Riigikogu,
We can state, that the intertwining of internal and external security is dependent upon three factors.
Firstly, a nation-state delegates various aspects of exercising its sovereignty to supranational bodies, as do members of the European Union (for instance, within the framework of the Schengen Treaty). As the well-known European, Robert Cooper, has said with such biting elegance: "For a postmodern state, sovereignty means a place at the table."
Secondly. In a globalised world, the pace at which threats spread has increased incredibly, and this fact is reducing the significance of national borders.
And thirdly, global threats can only be countered collectively. This forces us to consider the international aspects of every domestic security decision, and vice-versa.
The spectre of new, non-military or non-conventional security threats is very broad. When the present national security concept was adopted here, in this very hall, in the year 2004, it was felt that at least eight such phenomena could pose a threat to Estonia – beginning with terrorism and ending with social as well as infotechnological threats. Some of these, like terrorism, threaten our democratic values and the foundations of statehood. While others, like contagious diseases, can victimise anyone. But drug addiction, devastating plagues, and even terrorism have, after all, accompanied mankind for thousands of years! Thus, they become contemporary threats by the extraordinary speed and scope of their spreading, which, for instance, can transform an isolated virus mutation, within days, into a global threat. And today, national borders are lower than the Wall of China!
In the world of new threats, the time given to react is becoming ever shorter, and that is increasing the sense of danger for all of us. To make use of a military term, the world is constantly being threatened by a potential surprise attack. Which, in human terms, increases the threat of both over- and under-reacting. And the fear of being surprised, naturally, provides gist for media speculation.
Terrorism, as a catchword in the security policy vocabulary, stands, for some time now, scarily apart from the others. It has a status all its own.
From 1996 on, UN Member Nations have been conducting negotiations for preparing a comprehensive convention against terrorism. This convention could be a worthy overview of the UN’s endeavours, up till now, for creating a legal foundation for the suppression of international terrorism. The essential segment of these international laws consists of the 13 conventions for the suppression of terrorism that the UN has adopted up till now. These have also been signed by Estonia. To monitor the fulfilling of the appropriate commitments, the UN Security Council has adopted resolutions that call upon Member Nations to submit annual implementation reports.
The comprehensive convention against terrorism should give us a definition of terrorism, which has not existed before in international law. But – the debates in the UN continue. A role in not achieving an agreement has been played by the Palestinian problem, thanks to which, the defining of terrorism has been replaced by a lengthy argument concerning what are, and what are not, legal means for fighting against a foreign occupation.
The European Union, including, naturally, Estonia, has been campaigning for the conclusion of the convention debates by the year 2006.
To add a practical dimension to the ideological arguments, the general secretary of the UN has now made a proposal for drawing up a UN strategy for the suppression of terrorism.
Respected parliament of Estonia,
Every political observer today knows that (although, motivated by self-interest, this is, sometimes, knowingly forgotten) NATO is not only a military organisation, but rather, a political-military one.
As a member of NATO, the development of NATO is very close to our heart, as are its principles:
- NATO is based upon the Washington Treaty and is committed to the principles therein, or, in other words, to the common protection of democracy
- NATO must be able to ensure its conventional defence, while also being able to meet new challenges, which both must remain bases for the formulating of its plans.
NATO is Estonia's major guarantee of external security, and everything that occurs in this context is definitely of constant interest to the Estonian Riigikogu. Even short overviews of even a short list of various NATO connected issues would require a separate hour-long speech.
Therefore, I will mention only a few of the essential NATO context sub-themes, each of which, is quite extensive:
Comprehensive Political Guidelines, joint funding, air policing, the NATO rapid reaction forces, international peace-keeping missions, the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council and the Partnership for Peace Programme, cooperation between NATO and the states of the Mediterranean Dialogue as well as NATO and the Middle East states, the NATO-Russia cooperation forum, the NATO-Ukraine relationship and NATO-Georgia cooperation.
No over-emphasis would be superfluous when stressing how essential it is for Estonia to comprehend what is actually occurring in connection with these terms, and to understand, that changes within NATO directly involve Estonia. And it is not superfluous to again stress, that Estonia is keeping the promises made when joining NATO, and is fulfilling the commitments that were made, the cornerstone of which is the steady increasing of defence expenditures, till they form 2% of GDP. It is also essential to fulfil the so-called 8/40 criterion, which means, that Estonia should have at least 8% of its military forces deployed on foreign operations, and that 40% should, in principle, be prepared for such deployment. Estonia has promised to achieve such a state of actual readiness already by the year 2010 – 350 defence personnel on an international military operation.
Only thus are we trustworthy allies. Our trustworthiness is the best guarantee of our international security.
Or let us take a look at a sub-theme – the NRF, NATO Reaction Force. The year-long deployment of the Admiral Pitka, the one ship of Estonia’s humble navy, in NATO’s rapid reaction forces, as the flagship of a NATO naval squadron, is over, but the Estonian navy gained priceless experiences, and Estonia earned a fair amount of political trust. Even our domestic optimists could not have predicted something like this ten years ago.
NATO's discernible presence in Estonia is effectively expressed with the term "air policing". The air space of the Baltic states has, by now, been guarded by the planes of nine states. For us, the guarantee, that our air space is being policed 24 hours a day, 7 days a week, is of vital importance. Looking far into the future, it is obvious, that Ämari airport still needs to be developed, and that a final strategic air policing solution has to be figured out.
Politicians, diplomats, and military experts dealing with national security, be they in uniform or civvies, are on the job, day-to-day, here at home, in Brussels, and elsewhere. But, for Estonia, of major importance is also the research institute being established, The Centre for International Defence Research, where strategic matters concerning the security of our state and people will be analysed, and where the analysts will not be, as are civil servants, dependent, on a daily basis, upon the dictates of the calendar and the daily work schedule.
To improve the efficacy of the national security policy, those making the decisions must be supplied with better-analysed information and recommendations than before, just as the movement of information within the government system must be speeded up. Consideration should be given to the establishment of a “situation centre”, which would deal with the coordinating and analysing of information, essential for the government, pertaining to national security and ongoing operations. So that no fax would, ever again, lie, forgotten, on the corner of some table, while, at the same time, oil from a ship pours into the Baltic Sea.
It is natural, that Estonia, in every way, supports NATO’s open door policy. While, of course, monitoring every candidate’s individual development. Presently, three states have Membership Action Plans. Croatia’s preparations have been, in principle, sufficient to warrant an invitation. Whereas, Albania and Macedonia should still do some homework.
Estonia is of the opinion, that Ukraine should receive encouraging news, concerning accession to MAP, before the Riga Summit, and that Georgia is ready to join the Intensified Dialogue Programme. We know, from our own experience, how the MAP process promotes domestic reform. Estonia itself has sent an expert to NATO’s Kiev bureau, and a defence advisor to Georgia, so as to pass on our experiences with reforms.
Our interest in these matters is prompted by both genuine solidarity, as well as pragmatic self-interest. The more nations that share with us the same values, and follow the same path as we do, the safer we will be in our home. But our home, in the broader sense, is Europe, and in the interests of Europe’s peace, it is, naturally, of the utmost importance to ensure peace and stability in the Balkans, in the Caucasus, and in the various regions of Eastern Europe.
The present four foreign missions to which Estonian defence personnel are deployed are, for the general public, the most noticeable part of our international security-related activities. Nevertheless, I’d rather not dwell, today, in length, upon the history, background, and details of all of these military operations, since, when granting and extending the mandates of all of these missions, you have, here in this hall, always, thoroughly discussed, all the relevant details. Estonia regards the activities of its military personnel, on these missions, to be very essential. We do not place an equal sign between NATO and our missions, but rather, we draw a straight line that joins them as one.
The Defence Forces’ missions are, even in Estonia’s context, a typical example of how foreign, security, defence, and domestic policy cannot, actually, be separated. It is up to the wisdom of the state, in this situation, to always properly evaluate the relationship of these various components. In the domestic policy sphere, differing views of the world come into play, as do the interests of various voting groups. And, inevitably, the clashes between local and national interests. In the defence policy sphere, in the case of every mission, there is a thorough examination of whether we have the funds, men, equipment, and will to put together the mission. We look at the future of all the missions as a whole. For Estonia, it is wiser not to disperse its strength, but rather, to limit the number of its missions. We have to make a realistic assessment of our resources, since difficult missions require both the thorough training, as well as the recuperation of defence personnel. And all this sets its limits. But the whole context is security oriented, and the foreign policy dimension is the determining factor. We have to calculate with which partners, and to what extent, as well as where, we permit our Defence Forces to operate outside of Estonia.
In the foreign policy context, we have to maintain and develop relations with our partner states, and must take into consideration our international commitments in the organisations that we have joined – NATO, the European Union, and the UN.
And now, a selection of noteworthy facts.
Today, there are 244 Estonian military personnel deployed on foreign missions.
Of these, in Iraq, with various assignments, 40; in Afghanistan, 80. Estonia will also be sending a civilian specialist to Afghanistan. In Kosovo, 89; Bosnia and Herzegovina 33. This mission is, for the first time in Estonian history, based upon the Defence League. Two military observers are at the disposal of the UN.
At the moment, the Riigikogu’s mandate allows the sending of up to 375 defence personnel on missions. For Estonia, as a state, which, as recently as 1992, started to re-establish its national defence structures from zero, this is a remarkable achievement. All our talk concerning the development of our defence capabilities, international commitments, and NATO partnership would remain empty boasts, if we didn’t fill in the gaps between all those sentences with concreteness. The 244 people on missions are a very high per capita indicator for Estonia in the comparison between nations, and indicate, that we are definitely moving in the direction of fulfilling the NATO 8/40 criterion.
Afghanistan is the most important foreign mission for NATO and the Estonian Defence Forces.
The supporting of Afghanistan's national development will remain a NATO priority for a long time, and we will have to plan our activities there for years to come. The achieving of the international operation's objective would reduce very many of the risks mentioned as being European Union and NATO security threats. Let us recall, that a large part of the narcotics used in the Nordic countries come from Afghanistan… The building up process of this nation could last for decades, and during this period, the international presence in Afghanistan is regarded as being essential.
This year, Estonia’s contribution will increase to 120 defence personnel, and we will be adding, to the military, a civilian element.
The extending of the Iraq mission has always been the most discussed. But the objectives, for which the Iraq mission was launched, have not yet been achieved. We will, as previously, remain committed to the UN decision and the endeavours of the Iraqi government.
Even a military conflict with just regional dimensions extensively subverts the stability of our inadequately human world, in both time and space. Let us take just one example. The last Balkan drama occurred, in the historical context, just the day before yesterday. But human suffering was, once more, accumulated, to last for generations. The Balkans have calmed down, but the after-effects take a long time to unwind. Today, Estonian defence personnel are in the Balkans, and we regard this as being very essential. We, also, are maintaining Europe’s peace there, nothing more, nothing less.
At the same time, Montenegro's peaceful separation from Serbia must be welcomed. We will recognise Montenegro when it officially declares its independence.
The size of the Kosovo contingent will have to be reviewed this year, and it is not impossible, that it will be reduced. In the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the future of the mission will depend upon a local threat assessment. The role of the Defence League in the Balkans must continue.
But, today, Estonia also has a fifth foreign mission, although in a somewhat different format. I would regard the Estonian Development Cooperation and Humanitarian Assistance Development Programme for the years 2006 – 2010 as being such a mission. It lists the principles for giving assistance as well as the target countries, the spheres of activities, and the amounts involved. The fundamental and financial support for human rights and democracy elsewhere in the world is our national strategy and part of our international security posture. Just think of such basic truths as the fact that 1.2 billion people spend less than one dollar a day, and, that a child in a developing country can be fed with a lunch costing less than 19 U.S. cents.
Our prognosis is that Estonia will, this year, devote 126 million kroons to development and humanitarian aid. Both, this amount, as well as the extent of our activities, must, in the future, be increased, as we have already planned. The present activities encompass the training of officials from our main development cooperation partners of Ukraine, Moldova, and Georgia, crisis aid for Darfur, assistance for recovering from the recent earthquake in Indonesia, a contribution to the UN Emergency Aid Fund, and much more. A noteworthy indication of how Estonia’s activities and know-how have been appreciated is the fact that UN Secretary General Kofi Annan named the director general of the Rescue Board, Mati Raidma, as Estonia’s representative to the Council of the UN Emergency Aid Central Fund.
Respected parliament,
A small nation, which has recently joined the European Union and NATO, can, appropriately, be compared to a person who, after years of skimping, at the expense of their stomach, has finally moved into their desired house in a good residential area. But now they have to start living a desired new life in this house! And the person is confronted with the question – what should my life here be like? The right answer to this question, on the national level, is the greatest security guarantee for Estonia. Since we live in an opened world, then this answer, in any case, deals with foreign policy. And abandon the thought, which is falsely floating in the Estonian atmosphere like dust, that Estonia’s great objectives have disappeared! After all, a person’s greatest constant objective is to achieve a life full of meaning, and the endeavours towards this never cease. And, at this point, do not separate the individual and the state!
And now, let us talk concretely about the European Union, about this, our new home.
The basic, reader level wisdom is, that NATO produces security and the European Union produces wealth. So, repeat to yourselves again, that security is not just a military dimension, but is also part of all everyday European Union activities. This includes the readiness to ensure information security, to keep migration under control, or to combat bird flu. To deal with all this, various duties have been assigned. Border guards, police officers, and health officials know that they also participate in creating security. The European Union does a great deal of very essential coordinating and guiding. The European Union is a source of financial assistance and experiences. The framework of the European Union can help to concentrate attention upon a sore point like human trafficking or the fight against HIV, and to even bring about a decisive breakthrough.
But the importance of being a member of the European Union becomes apparent through various spheres – sporadically and in many different ways. Estonia’s development leap is no longer drastic, and we are not yet fully integrated. The objectives seem to be ambiguous, compared to the time when we were just striving towards membership.
Let’s face the facts. The European Union is not the end of history. The European Union has to solve questions both great and small. The appeal of membership is the fact that we can also have an opportunity to channel development. 2006 is the year for Estonia to formulate certain attitudes. The further fate of the Constitutional Treaty, the Schengen Treaty, eurozone issues, energy debates, issues concerning the free movement of labour and services, the Financial Perspective, the extent of enlargement in space and time – all this forces Estonia to define itself, in the European Union context, for years. So let us ask ourselves – are we prepared for all this? Prepared to define, explain, and defend our positions?
A sceptical analyst has said, that the citizens of France and Holland, by rejecting the European Union’s Constitutional Treaty, not only killed this specific treaty, but also derailed the engine that was taking Europe towards extensive integration. And he claims, that most of the year 2006 will be wasted upon repairing the engine.
If, 20 years ago, a European politician needed a great deal of courage to openly be a euroskeptic, then now it requires a great deal of courage to openly support the further development of cooperation within the European Union.
Estonia has ratified the Constitutional Treaty. We made our contribution to restoring the driving force of the engine, and signalled the others, that we are a vital nation. And we also bring up problems that haven't disappeared. The Constitutional Treaty dispute has, for instance, focussed attention upon one of Europe’s serious problems – not only is there a split between the public opinion and the politicians’ opinion, but also between the opinions of the various nations, and then comes the aforementioned split. There are no recipes for this in Grandmother’s cookbook, but the journey towards a solution, is always launched, by precisely defining the problem.
Quite justifiably, there is concern over the fact that, in Estonia, one can confront isolationist thinking, which discards the wisdom of others, and has no regard for what is happening elsewhere in Europe or the rest of the world. Just ten years ago, we believed, that floods just devastated far away foreign lands, until, quite unexpectedly, Pärnumaa and Läänemaa were also under water. This winter’s incidents concerning oil pollution on the Estonian coast came as a nasty surprise for many, although they should have been well aware of the increase in shipping. If an outstandingly brilliant curriculum was formulated, but all generations lacked a desire to constantly continue educating themselves, then we would have to talk about a national security crisis brought about by a lack of education. But, fortunately, this threat is full of holes like Swiss cheese. Nevertheless, take note that incompetence, ignorance, and the lack of obtaining information are, in a certain context, synonymous with the term security risk.
For years, there has been talk in Estonia about the need for keeping foreign, security, and defence policy separate from everyday politics. The stressing of this position is even occurring today. Nevertheless, the domestic and foreign policy dimensions are, in the contemporary open living space, inseparable. So, it should not be assumed, that a road tax has been imposed only as the result of local pressures, or that the justification for the shooting down of a so-called renegade plane only serves foreign policy interests. We must make all decisions and take all actions for their own sake, meanwhile realising, the wider panorama of phenomena, and the chain reactions brought about by decisiveness, or the lack of it.
And further. Estonia must always be aware of worldwide realities. Estonia is not a superstate. In accordance with this fact, we have to be flexible when adapting to situations, when looking for partners to cooperate with, and when making use of those spheres in which we can actually exert some influence. That is a realistic road guide for conducting an external security policy.
Honourable parliament,
Estonia's constant and permanent objective could be to help increase security in the world. Thus, it would be possible to increase the security of every Estonian resident, and that, after all, is the reason for the existence of the Estonian state. That is a great objective.
In any case, we produce security by participating in military operations. Whereas, the European Union produces security just by existing. By today, the younger generation, in the older Member States, seems to have forgotten this altogether. But, in the new Member States, the European Union is, primarily, seen as an additional guarantee against more distant external pressures. It is also clear, that the more states there are that are strong and democratic, the less chances there are for military conflicts.
Every additional new Member State produces security just by fulfilling the accession criteria. This is the very reason why Estonia supports enlargement. Plus, the Neighbourhood Policy – the constant enlarging of the area where the development of democracy, economic welfare, a general sense of security, and the rule of law dominate, produces additional security. Therefore, Estonia, within the limit of its resources, is continually supporting democratic processes in the Caucasian states as well as in Moldova, Ukraine, and Belarus. Therefore, we attach great importance to the European Union's Northern Dimension Programme, which is focussing attention upon the uniqueness of Europe’s north-eastern region as a whole, and is creating an additional opportunity for solving basic lifestyle problems, which often ignore borders, such as the spreading of contagious diseases, or economic activity which endangers the environment.
More extensive everyday relations and pragmatic cooperation between neighbouring states, as well as the creation of conditions conducive to economic activities on both sides of the border, are also essential factors from the aspect of ensuring international security. This is also something that we can learn from the half a century of experiences that the European Union has to offer us.
And now, to deal with our immediate tasks. Let us first focus upon joining the Schengen area. For states party to the Schengen Agreement, the disappearance of internal borders does not mean an increase in security risks. Quite the opposite. It means greater cooperation between the various police forces and immigration services, a better exchange of data, a sharing of information. And the realistic hope of avoiding terrorist attacks lies specifically in the latter factor. This has been testified to by both those states that have suffered as well as those that have prevented catastrophes, this being testified to by the European Union. Information is shared with those that are trusted. This trust must be earned. The Estonian authorities are already being assessed. The first to be tested was our Consulate General in St. Petersburg on 17 May. Our Embassy in Kiev will be evaluated on 22 June, the maritime border in July, and the eastern border at the beginning of September. Joining the Schengen area is not an activity that is limited to a narrow circle of officials, but is, rather, a national assignment, and quite awe inspiring in scope. Here, the Riigikogu has a very essential role.
Upon joining the Schengen visa space, our concepts of internal security will be transformed. Figuratively speaking, Estonian security will also be determined by what is happening at every kilometre of the European Union’s external border, which extends for thousands of kilometres. And vice-versa. The solving of problems created by illegal migration, which has to be dealt with by Italy, Spain, and other Mediterranean Member States, effects Estonia’s internal security, to the same extent, as our national preparations for joining the Schengen area.
Even today, I’m speaking separately about NATO and the European Union, but, NB!, we do not have separate units for the operations of either organisation. It is this common point concerning security that is worth noting. Therefore, we regard the close coordination of the activities of the two structures as being extraordinarily fruitful. Let’s be honest. The relations between NATO and the European Union are, by no means, what they should be. The 19 states belonging to both structures cannot, when entering the conference rooms of either organisation, suddenly have differing positions on matters pertaining to security. So that, there is a need for close cooperative activities and common analysis. This cooperation must begin on the political level, since, that is precisely where the problems lie. Estonia is among those states, which, out of need for more intense cooperation, has promoted it on both the political as well as the diplomatic levels. If the present formal frameworks are inadequate for satisfying our needs for cooperation, then, it should not be excluded, that the need for reforming them will be placed on the agenda. The improving of NATO and European Union cooperation will mean, in addition to greater efficiency, among other things, savings in manpower and money. In accordance with this, Estonia plans to continue contributing to the development of European Union and NATO relations.
Members of the parliament,
Who of us hasn't encountered a carefree attitude towards life! After the 11 September 2001, the phrase "it's sooo September the tenth!" has come into use in America, which refers to unwarranted recklessness. An Estonian diplomat has, in store, an anecdote from his own life, which he's willing to tell quite openly, and now, with the thoughtful tone of one with an appropriate experience behind him:
The Estonian Embassy in Washington had just moved into its temporary quarters. On 10 September 2001, the Embassy chauffer asked our diplomat whether he should also bring a TV to the Embassy. The diplomat answered spontaneously: "I don't think there’s any great necessity, since a TV is needed in an embassy only when something major is happening, but at the moment, nothing significant seems to be on the horizon,,,"
Thus, "sooo September the tenth!", in the true sense of the word.
Are we all so sure, that such an attitude cannot be encountered in Estonia right at this moment?
Let us hope so!
Honourable parliament,
The dramatic intertwining of economics and security, and, separately, of energy and security, is a contemporary phenomenon.
With references to the efforts of Russian capital to influence political decisions in the other Baltic states, there are questions in the air concerning the possible influence that investments from abroad might have on our security. Yes, we are curious, if investors have any other objectives than just investing. We talk about the relationship between economics and politics in Estonia. We are not indifferent to who invests in Estonia. Attention must be paid, primarily, to those spheres, in which, security is a concern – energy and the infrastructure.
A black and white attitude cannot be adopted in the case of Russian capital. Every incident must be examined separately. But often, the true source of the investment cannot even be discerned, since the investor’s country of origin is not, necessarily, the whole story. We, of course, have to believe in Estonia’s progress, and in the openness, which has brought us this progress. But we have to interfere when, using a free market economy as a cover, we are actually being offered foreign political interests and influences, or even criminality and corruption. We have to think about ensuring the greater transparency of the Estonian economy, so that there could be no participants with hazy backgrounds, who might want to influence the domestic or foreign policy decisions of Estonian government agencies.
We can presume, that energy is a sphere of economics in which the well-known principle holds true, that the less regulating there is, the easier it is for us and for our economy to be flexible.
But, there are at least three reasons why this is not so.
Firstly, in the case of energy, we automatically think about how our home should be heated and lit. Energy, more than any other economic activity, is emotionally connected with our sense of security.
Secondly, in the sphere of energy, the market forces and mechanisms do not function between nations and firms in a balancing manner that would provide the best terms and conditions for the consumer.
Thirdly, the economic activities associated with energy have a multiple times further time-horizon than almost all other spheres of economic activity.
Energy is a sphere in which both the state, as well as cooperation between states, are needed to a greater, rather than a lesser degree. Various global trends, like the depletion of resources by ever-increasing consumption, environmental problems, and the use of energy as a political weapon, are constantly becoming nastier. But unfortunately, in connection with energy, in Estonia, as well as in all of the European Union, there is still a lack of will to take concrete steps. We, for instance, need a common position for dealing with OPEC, Russia, and other suppliers. We need the economy to be regulated in a manner that would orient us towards a new energy era. There is probably no need to prove that a new era is just around the corner. No alternative is superfluous in the dangerously one-sided field of contemporary energetics. Thus, the Baltic Sea Ring, the Estling Cable, the gas pipeline between Estonia and Finland, as well as various other projects are of vital importance for us.
In matters concerning energy, the Baltic states are all in a very similar situation, and need to cooperate. All three states have similar basic concerns – rising energy costs, the excessive connectedness of our power grids with monopolistic Russian firms, the isolation of Baltic power grids from those of the European Union Member States, the fact that energy is becoming a means for applying international political pressure, the increasing significance of environmental requirements.
The European Commission’s Green Book, issued at the beginning of March, provides a good basis for discussion, especially since the Book’s general themes are quite suitable for us.
The European Union should seriously contribute to major infrastructure construction, so that certain Member States would no longer be vulnerable due to their isolation. Estonia is convinced, that when large-scale infrastructure construction projects are drawn up, the interests of all Member States must be taken into consideration. Thanks to inadequate explanations, there are still unanswered questions concerning the Baltic Sea gas pipeline, since, before being announced, the project was never discussed with all the countries adjoining the Baltic Sea. Even an assessment of the potential environmental effects of the gas pipeline has not been started yet. And ask yourselves, whether we would want a branch line to come to Estonia? How much would we be willing to pay for this? Or would it be more practical to invest this money in the further expansion of the gas storage facilities in Latvia? These questions require thorough analysis by appropriate experts. At the same time, Estonia has maintained its clear position, that the gas pipeline project was launched improperly, since the interests of all the Baltic Sea countries were not taken into consideration. Estonia is also stressing the necessity for environmental studies of the gas pipeline, and would like to participate in them.
Those who deal with the European Union's political and security questions should also see to it that a much clearer attempt is made to explain the connection between energy and security, as is done in the United States. In this matter, the European Union is much too passive. It must be repeated in a booming voice, that, in the energy sphere, a long time, 8 – 10 years, lapses between the making of a decision, and the actual launching of a project. Estonia should be one of the motors that drives the European Union towards the creation of a common energy policy.
Questions concerning competition in the European Union's common energy market need regulating, as do the activities of third country, state controlled, large-scale suppliers in the European Union’s internal market.
Also, dealing with the questions concerning the future of emissions trading in the European Union should not be delayed, as should not, especially, be the renewing of the Kyoto Agreement's mechanism, which expires in the year 2012. Both private firms and nations are waiting for the horizon to be cleared up.
Respected representatives of the people,
You, who have, ex officio, always delved into the matter of the historical roles of various individuals, will, probably, especially appreciate my following words.
A separate chapter in our constantly developing foreign policy activities should be the utilisation of new experiences, information, and contacts. Not only Estonia's 38 diplomatic representations abroad, as well as our career diplomats, but also the ever greater number of people from Estonia who are employed in the international arena – this is Estonia's growing resource. Here at home, we must keep our ears open, to hear the messages that they send us. The results of this attentiveness must be reflected in the work of the whole government apparatus.
Let us be more active in seeking employment in international structures like the European Union, the UN, NATO, and other such systems. It used to be, that when we talked about dealing with the rest of the world, we usually referred to diplomats. But now, ever more opportunities are opening up for politicians as well as various experts and specialists. And it is important, that we not allow our standards to drop. Someone from Estonia may one day contend for the position of secretary general of either the UN or NATO, not to even mention the position of EU special representative, or vice-president of the UN General Assembly. If only they have the desire to study, and the will.
The Estonian government should support the special schooling of those applying for positions in EU structures. The proper combination of personal initiative and government assistance can be doubly effective.
The security of the nation is increased by specific people being in specific positions. It is possible to influence these matters even far from home. That, which we were cut off from for half a century, is now a reality. The proof of this is embodied by individuals like Siim Kallas, Toomas Hendrik Ilves, Tunne Kelam and others. Not to even mention the work having been done by Estonian diplomats during the last 15 years.
The matter of security is never ending, but formalities force me to end this address. But I would prefer not to conclude with NATO themed, or other, so-called, dramatically strong sentences.
When pondering the connections between foreign policy and national security, as well as the inter-layering of these two concepts, never forget, that a small nation cannot remain whole, if it is not held together by its own language and culture, its sense of home, and the knowledge of its own history. These concepts, classically treated as soft values, are, when need be, harder than rock, and stronger than iron. Hidden in them, we can always find the seed that ensures our survival.
I thank you for your attention.
© Estonian Foreign Ministry
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