Home > Press and Information > Speeches, Interviews, Articles > Speeches > Kristiina Ojuland: Main Guidelines of Estonia’s Foreign Policy
Kristiina Ojuland: Main Guidelines of Estonia’s Foreign Policy
Address by the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Estonia
Kristiina Ojuland to the Riigikogu on behalf of the Government of Estonia
7 December 2004
Honourable Ms. Chairman,
Respected Members of the Riigikogu,
Dear guests!
Today, again summarizing the main guidelines of Estonia’s foreign policy, we can state, that we are simultaneously dealing with the foreign policy of the European Union and with NATO’s activities for ensuring security in the world. We have been, after all, participating in the shaping of both, since this year’s spring. Estonia’s foreign policy no longer deals merely with the matters of one state, or even one region. Membership in the European Union and NATO has given our foreign policy a global dimension. This is both a privilege and an obligation, requiring, that we be more knowledgeable and more comprehensive in our thinking.
Proceeding from these principles, and in accordance with the wishes of the Riigikogu’s Foreign Affairs Committee, I am devoting, in my address today, special attention to the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy and to what Estonia accentuates in it. At the same time, we cannot overlook other topics essential from the foreign policy point of view, like Estonia’s contribution to NATO, our foreign economic policy, as well as development and regional cooperation.
To begin with, let us deal with developments in the European Union during the last half year. The new European Parliament, elected from the 10 – 13 June, among them the six members elected from Estonia, started its work on the 20 July. The new European Commission, with Commissioner Siim Kallas as one of its vice-presidents, assumed its duties on the 22 November.
An essential achievement for the further development of the European Union was the agreement arrived at by the heads of state and government, on the 18 June, concerning the draft Treaty establishing a constitution for Europe. Compared to the former treaties, the Union’s division of competencies has now been regulated, the role of the Member State parliaments has been increased, the Charter of Fundamental Rights has been made legally binding. Also, the system of legal acts has been simplified. I would like to stress, that Estonia supports the further integration of the European Union, but this needs to be justified and must have the general support of Europe’s citizens.
On the 29 October, the ceremonial signing of the European Constitutional Treaty took place in Rome. As proposed by Netherlands, the presently presiding state of the European Union, the closing date of the ratification process is officially 1 November 2006. On the 2 September, the Government presented its preliminary assessment of the Constitutional Treaty, which was based upon the thorough analysis, or White Book, put together by an interministerial working group. The Government finds, that the Riigikogu should ratify the Constitutional Treaty.
Negotiations are continuing concerning the Union’s financial framework for the years 2007 – 2013. After the Commission’s legislative proposals of July and September, discussions have become noticeably more detailed. In the course of Luxembourg’s Presidency, during the first half of 2005, there will, potentially, be a period of intensive negotiations, when, it is hoped, a political agreement will be arrived at. The achieving of a satisfactory agreement is especially essential since the establishing of a financial framework is not just a matter of specifying revenues and expenses in the European Union’s budget, but rather, a more general defining of the Union’s goals, priority activities, and commitments.
In principle, Estonia is in agreement with the Commission’s proposed financial framework priorities since they coincide with our long-term interests. For Estonia, the most essential goals at the financial framework negotiations are the achieving of the aims of the Lisbon strategy; the fairness and achievability of the Cohesion Policy; the adequate financing of educational, scientific, and developmental activities; as well as the promotion of the European Neighbourhood Policy. The Government has repeatedly stressed the position, that the European Union’s budgetary framework should be as simple and transparent as possible.
From the point of view of the European Union’s future, it is very important to arrive at a consensus concerning the Union’s further enlargement. Estonia has consistently supported the principle, that further enlargement must be based upon the same principles and criteria as those that were used as guidelines during the last enlargement. The signposts for further enlargement are the Commission’s progress reports and strategy documents that were released on the 6 October. We hope, that both Bulgaria’s and Romania’s accession to the European Union will take place as planned -- on 1 January 2007. The pre-accession strategy drawn up by the Commission should enable Croatia to make good progress towards European Union membership. Praiseworthy is the Turkish government’s determination in the carrying out of extensive reforms. This progress made it possible for the Commission to determine that the Copenhagen Political Criteria have been sufficiently fulfilled, and to recommend the commencement of accession negotiations with Turkey. According to plan, the decision concerning this matter will be made at the 16 – 17 December session of the Council of the European Union.
Dear Members of the Riigikogu!
I would now like to move on to the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy. It is clear, that the European Union’s foreign policy leverage and coordination must increase, especially when considering the new threats and challenges to international security. At the same time, I would like to stress, that the most essential guarantee of Europe’s security and stability is a strong transatlantic relationship. Therefore, Estonia regards as extremely essential the durability of the cooperative relations between the European Union and the United States. For Estonia, one of the most important priorities in the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy is the matter of transatlantic relations.
And now, I would like to present an overview of the European Union’s Neighbourhood Policy, which has the goal of strengthening relations with the Union’s eastern and southern neighbours. It is apparent, that closer economic and political cooperation, as well as the solving of so-called frozen conflicts in several of the European Union’s neighbouring states is essential from the point of view of the security and welfare of Europe as a whole.
Estonia, as a European Union border state, realizes, especially clearly, the need for creating and strengthening a zone of social and economic welfare as well as of stability in the immediate vicinity of the Union’s external borders. The priority role of the Neighbourhood Policy is also reflected in the document The Government’s European Union Policy 2004 – 2006. Due to our geographical location, our attention is mainly concentrated upon cooperation with the European Union’s eastern neighbours, but we also support the development of the Union’s relations with southern neighbours.
Estonia welcomes the European Union’s cooperation with neighbours on the basis of individual action plans. With six partners -- Ukraine, Moldova, Morocco, Tunisia, Jordan, and the Palestinian Authority -- the Commission has already reached agreements concerning action plans. Negotiations with Israel are still ongoing, and let us hope, that these will also be concluded successfully. Even if the opposite proves to be true, the aforementioned six action plans should be approved. In every way heartening is the General Affairs and External Relations Council’s decision, at its 17 - 18 June session, to include the Southern Caucasus states in the European Neighbourhood process.
Cooperation with the European Union’s neighbouring states is a realm in which the Union’s new Member States’ political and economic reform experience is especially valuable. Estonia’s major exertions, within the framework of the European Neighbourhood Policy, have, so far, been directed, primarily, at Ukraine and Georgia.
Ukraine has declared its aspirations for integration into the European Union, but is, as we know, confronted by essential domestic and foreign policy choices. During the second round of the presidential elections, on November 21, the principles of democracy and a state governed by the rule of law were ignored. On December 26, the Ukrainian people will be making an essential decision regarding their future. From the point of view of the future of Europe as a whole, it is important, that in this large state there exists a functioning democracy, a developed civil society, and an effective economy.
The European Union’s more extensive cooperation with Ukraine is dependent upon the implementation of realistic reforms in that state. Estonia is actively contributing to Ukraine’s development as a democratic state. This takes place, primarily, through development cooperation projects, and by participating in the formulation of the European Neighbourhood Policy directed towards Ukraine.
In the case of Georgia, we are happy to be able to note, that this state has declared its clear desire for reform, and this political aspiration must be supported in every way. During his visit to Estonia, Georgia’s president, Mihhail Saakašvili had two clear and essential messages for us. Firstly, that Georgia wishes to proceed down the road of democratic European values. Secondly, that Georgia regards Estonia’s achievements as the example to follow. I also observed this wish to learn from Estonia’s experiences during my summer visit to Georgia. In the course of the year 2004, one of the main recipients of Estonia’s development assistance has been Georgia. A more active approach to aiding Georgia gives a realistic opportunity for contributing to the development and stabilisation of the region. Despite limited resources, Georgian officials have, this year, been given courses in the spheres of information society development, the environment, European Union integration, as well as taxation and financial policy. Also noteworthy is the cooperation between the Estonian and Georgian ministries of defence.
I would like to stress that our bilateral activities in Georgia, just like the European Union’s cooperation with Georgia through the ESDP Mission and, in the future, the Neighbourhood Policy, is part of a broader international effort to stabilise the whole region. This is the goal of the OSCE’s work in Georgia, to which Estonia contributes extensively. Also, the UN’s planned aid programmes may be mentioned, in the framework of which, Estonia is considering the possible training of Georgian police personnel in our Public Service Academy.
And now, I would like to say a few words also about Moldova and Belarus. Cooperation between Estonia and Moldova has intensified, and will continue to do so in the future. It is especially heartening to note, that the role of non-governmental organisations in this sphere is noticeable. At the same time, of primary importance, from the point of view of Moldovan development and international cooperation, is the solving of the crisis in Transnistria, which is both a stumbling block for Moldovan development, and a threat to all of Europe. As we all know, elections will be taking place, next year, in Moldova, so that international, just as Estonia’s, interest in that state will, in the near future, become even greater. Worrisome is the situation in Belarus, especially in light of the recent elections. But, similarly to other European Union Member States, Estonia does not support the isolating of Belarus. Relations with Belarus should be based upon a pragmatic and selective approach when it comes to developing both the spheres of activity and contacts, with the yardstick being the promotion of democracy, as well as human rights and freedoms. But this calls for a better coordination of the European Union’s Belarus policy.
Respected Riigikogu!
Today, I would like to devote special attention to both the European Union’s and Estonia’s relations with Russia. The Beslan hostage drama earned the sympathy of the whole world. Estonia, for its part, has shown readiness to help the Beslan victims. Immediately after those tragic events, the Estonian Red Cross opened a special bank account for donations, and has so far accumulated close to 1.3 million kroons. The government also plans to contribute to the Red Cross from development cooperation funds.
It is praiseworthy, that the European Union is developing a partnership with Russia on the basis of the Four Common Spaces, which are: the economic space; the freedom, internal security, and justice space; the external security space; as well as the scientific, educational, and cultural space. But the adoption of documents as essential as the Four Common Spaces Action Plans cannot be rushed, since, as a base document for the following few years, this agreement must express the principles and interests of both parties. Much has been made of the work done at the recent European Union and Russian summit in the Hague, where it was confirmed, that everyone wants to achieve an agreement concerning the Four Spaces Action Plans by the summit of May 2005. At the same time, the mechanism of the cooperation encompassing Russia has, in many ways, remained open to multiple interpretations. It is not clear, for instance, how the European Union’s special relations with Russia influence the European Union states’ cross-border cooperation with Russia and its financing.
The European Union and Russian Partnership and Cooperation Agreement’s (PCA) Enlargement Protocol, just as the ratification of the Kyoto Protocol by the Duma on 22 October, must definitely be viewed as positive steps. Another welcome development is the agreement achieved at the Hague summit between the European Union and Russia regarding the starting of consultations in the field of human rights, concerning questions that are of interest to both parties. At the same time, recent political developments in Russia have been of a dubious nature and are giving an ever clearer indication of the slowing down -- if not an outright stoppage -- of the democratisation process in that state. As Russia’s immediate neighbour, Estonia follows, especially attentively, the effects that developments there are having on foreign policy. The concern over the changes taking place in Russia’s domestic and foreign policy is global, which was vividly proven by the publication, at the end of September, of the letter signed by a hundred United States and European opinion-makers. Thus, more than ever, the European Union’s Russian policy must be unified and consistent. Its cornerstone must be the observance of long-term common values, not the furthering of narrow momentary economic interests or other short-term considerations.
Estonian and Russian mutual relations are being negatively affected by the repeated violation of Estonia’s air space by Russian Federation airplanes. As I also noted at our spring foreign policy guidelines debate, the improvement of Estonia’s relations with Russia would be helped along by the international condemnation of the crimes of Communist regimes, by Russia admitting what happened in the past, as well as by the signing of the border treaties. Let us hope, that Putin’s promise at the Hague summit on 25 November, that the border treaties with Estonia and Latvia will be signed in the near future, becomes a reality. As you know, these treaties were ready to be signed several years ago, and Estonia is continually prepared to sign the border treaties.
Russia’s ending, on 1 May, of the double customs tariffs, which had been levied against goods of Estonian origin, has undoubtedly had a positive effect upon Estonian-Russian trade. At the same time, Russia has unfortunately continued to implement measures, which have hindered the development of economic relations with both Estonia and other states. Therefore, we have, for some time already, had to deal with problems relating to the phytosanitary barriers for organic goods and also railroad tariffs. In both matters, the European Commission, which represents the interests of Member States, has an essential role to play.
Dear Members of the Riigikogu!
Now, let us talk about European and international security, as well as Estonia’s contribution to achieving it. This task is a significant element in the National Security Concept that was ratified by the Riigikogu in June of this year. In the course of summarizing the matter of security, I will look at the specific and then the more general, dealing first of all with concrete crisis hotbeds, and talking afterwards about broader developments in the ESDP and NATO.
The situation in both Iraq and the Middle East generally are, at the moment, the key questions concerning international security. Our Defence Force personnel, as part of the coalition forces, are continuing their highly responsible mission of ensuring security and achieving stability in Iraq. The Estonian mission, unfortunately, again confronted danger on October 25 in the most tragic way -- we suffered our second military fatality. Despite this painful loss, Estonia is continuing to fulfil its alliance commitments. In accordance with the Government’s proposal that was confirmed by the Riigikogu on 14 April, the mission has been extended till 20 June 2005. The prerequisites for normal life in Iraq are the carrying out of successful elections in January of next year, thereafter, the drafting and adoption of a new constitution, and new elections at the end of 2005. The ensuring of developments leading to such solutions is the goal of our participation in international forces. Extremely essential is a more extensive UN presence in Iraq, just like the European Union’s greater participation. Estonia supports the ensuring of the UN mission’s security with half a million kroons, and is considering its possible contributions to the incipient NATO training mission in Iraq. Also, Estonia supports the European Union’s aid mission for building up Iraq’s judicial and police system.
Naturally, another precondition for lasting peace in the region, as well as for the stabilisation of Iraq, is the finding of a solution for the conflict between Israel and Palestine. It is essential to follow the Roadmap and the goals established by it, which will ensure the creation of an independent Palestinian state next to a secure Israel. The Palestinian presidential elections next year, on January 9, will be an important litmus test -- the administration in Palestine must be democratic and be able to prevent terrorism.
The stabilising of the situation in Afghanistan is as essential as before. A worthy contribution to this endeavour is being made by the Estonian Defence Force personnel serving in the NATO mission. The first democratic presidential elections in Afghanistan, on October 9, were greeted throughout the world. Let us hope, that the political processes in Afghanistan will continue in a positive direction, and that the parliamentary elections to be carried out in April of 2005, will also be successful.
There is also general international concern over Iran’s nuclear programme. Teheran’s recent promise to abide by the nuclear weapons non-proliferation treaty is a welcome development. At the same time, it is clear that Iran must continue cooperating with the International Atomic Energy Agency. Other matters also need to be dealt with, among them, human rights in Iran.
From the point of view of European security and welfare, we must definitely, besides the aforementioned regions, not leave out the Western Balkans, where NATO and European Union activity has been direct and successful, from the viewpoint of the security of Europe as a whole. Estonian foreign policy activity in the Western Balkan context has, without a doubt, increased during the last few years. This has expressed itself in two ways. Firstly, through development cooperation and Estonian readiness to pass on its experiences with the implementation of reforms and in the realm of European Union integration -- for instance, among other things, in the form of E-Governance Academy training programmes. Secondly, our Defence Force personnel and police officers have, for years already, been participating in international stabilisation forces stationed in the region. At the moment, Estonia’s all-time biggest peacekeeping contingent -- a total of 122 Defence Force personnel -- is serving in Kosovo.
It is in every way praiseworthy, that the European Union pays ever more attention to the world’s crisis hotbeds, including so-called “failed states”, thereby being the world’s biggest aid giver in the realm of development cooperation. At the moment, in Africa, the European Union is concentrating upon solving the conflict that has broken out in Darfur province in the western part of Sudan, and upon the aiding of people who have suffered in the war. Estonia has designated half a million kroons for the UN High Commissioner for Refugees for aiding those who have suffered in the Sudan conflict. Despite Estonia’s limited monetary resources, development cooperation is becoming a very essential part of Estonia’s foreign policy, being thus an expression of our proactive approach.
Talking about the European Security and Defence Policy, or the ESDP, in general, it can be stated, that Estonia is satisfied with its development to date. Of this half-year’s main activities connected with the European Union’s Security and Defence Policy, mention should first be made of the launching of the military operation ALTHEA in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in which Estonia is also participating. Secondly, within the framework of the ESDP, there has been a further development of military capabilities in accordance with the European Union’s new headline goal for the year 2010. Thirdly, endeavours are continuing for the establishment of the European Defence Agency. A consensus has been arrived at concerning the establishment of European Union battle groups. Estonia is also taking part in this endeavour, but the form and extent of our participation is still being defined.
As is well known, Estonia proceeds from the principle of the indivisibility of European security; the need for strong transatlantic ties; and the concept, that in the process of ensuring security in Europe and the world, the ESDP and NATO must supplement each other. Therefore, when planning the further development of the ESDP, appropriate NATO developments must be taken into consideration, and the cooperative capability of the organisations must be taken into account in the development of military capabilities.
Estonia is a NATO Member State for the eighth month, and continues to actively contribute to NATO operations in the Balkans and Afghanistan in accordance with its capabilities and available resources. The NATO summit in Istanbul on 28 – 29 June confirmed the sustainability of the Alliance’s activities, and the need for the further development of capabilities. NATO operations and the ensuring of appropriate capabilities are some of the main tasks of the Alliance and its Member States. In the sphere of capabilities, Estonia also has its definite tasks and goals. We have to keep the promises made and the commitments we took upon ourselves during NATO accession, including the maintaining of defence expenditures at the level of two percent of GDP. Only thus can we be reliable allies, and hope, that we will be heard in the foreign policy realm.
Partnership policy is one of NATO’s priorities. This is directly connected to the matter of the aforementioned European Union Neighbourhood Policy. Estonia welcomes partnership development with Caucasian and Central Asian states, especially Georgia. Just as essential is the intensification of cooperation with the states of the Mediterranean Dialogue and the Wider Middle East, as well as the development of NATO relations with Russia and Ukraine. Intensive cooperation must also be definitely continued with our closest NATO Partner States. The Estonian Embassy in Helsinki, for instance, has, since the 1 September, the honour of being NATO’s contact point in Finland.
To conclude my summary of security matters, I would once more bring forth the ever-increasing pressure of so-called new threats upon Estonia’s security. Not only international terrorism, but also HIV/AIDS, organized crime, and threats in the information technology sphere are challenges to which, domestically, considerably more attention must be paid than ever before. Since security risks with international dimensions are involved, we must constantly give them greater consideration also in the formulation of our foreign policy.
Respected Riigikogu!
Now, let us take a look at developments in Estonia’s foreign economic policy. After Estonia's accession to the European Union, there has been a multiple increase in the interest that European small and medium sized enterprises are showing towards cooperation with Estonian firms.
To ensure Estonia’s foreign economic success in the future, we must, more and more, look beyond Europe. The 21st century has been labelled Asia’s century -- Asia is seen as presenting the world’s economy both with great challenges as well as immense opportunities. It is clear, that Estonia cannot, at this point, remain in the role of a passive observer, but must strengthen its presence in Asia. Among Asian states, special importance must, without a doubt, be given to China and Japan, with which Estonia has extensive trade relations, although, with a noticeable deficit.
Since October of this year, Estonia is a full member of the European Union-Asian cooperation forum ASEM. This gives Estonia an excellent opportunity to relate with Asian states within a completely new framework. In the year 2005, the member states of ASEAN, Southeast Asia’s biggest organisation for economic cooperation, will begin negotiations regarding the establishment of a regional free trade zone, which would encompass 590 million people.
But the broadening of Estonia’s foreign policy scope must definitely not result in the paying of less attention to our adjacent region. The ending, last summer, of Estonia’s presidency of the Council of Baltic Sea States does not, for us, mean a decrease in the intensity and significance of regional cooperation. The modernizing of the Council of Baltic Sea States, which began during Estonia’s presidency, with the enlargement of the European Union, ensures the carrying out of tasks in the future with a regional dimension. Cooperation and common interests have been the common denominators in the development and use of the Baltic Sea region’s potential. Today, this is convincingly illustrated by the role of the Baltic Sea as a dynamic growth region of Europe. Estonia’s main achievement as the presiding state of the Council of Baltic Sea States must surely be the progress made in the sphere of agreements for ensuring the protection of the Baltic Sea, especially when dealing with the banning of the use of single-hulled tankers.
This year has brought several significant changes to the sphere of Estonian, Latvian, and Lithuanian cooperation. These have been based primarily on the need to modernize cooperation in accordance with European Union and NATO membership. After an agreement was achieved regarding structural reforms initiated by Estonia, the meeting of the prime ministers in Riga, on 4 October 2004, approved the continuation of the work of the Committee of Five Senior Officials, within the framework of the Council of Baltic Ministers, for the year 2005. This encompasses the Committees dealing with transport and communications, energy, defence, the environment, and internal affairs. Thanks to the reforms, there should be a significant intensification of cooperation between the Council of Baltic Ministers and the Baltic Assembly. Estonia’s aim is to continue Baltic cooperation with the aid of a flexible and simple cooperative structure, which would effectively promote Estonian, Latvian, and Lithuanian common interests in a quickly changing international environment. There will be a good opportunity for achieving this goal in 2005, when Estonia will be the presiding country of Baltic cooperation.
Dear Members of the Riigikogu!
I thank you for your active cooperation in the formulating of our foreign policy, and wish you all the best in the future!
Kristiina Ojuland to the Riigikogu on behalf of the Government of Estonia
7 December 2004
Honourable Ms. Chairman,
Respected Members of the Riigikogu,
Dear guests!
Today, again summarizing the main guidelines of Estonia’s foreign policy, we can state, that we are simultaneously dealing with the foreign policy of the European Union and with NATO’s activities for ensuring security in the world. We have been, after all, participating in the shaping of both, since this year’s spring. Estonia’s foreign policy no longer deals merely with the matters of one state, or even one region. Membership in the European Union and NATO has given our foreign policy a global dimension. This is both a privilege and an obligation, requiring, that we be more knowledgeable and more comprehensive in our thinking.
Proceeding from these principles, and in accordance with the wishes of the Riigikogu’s Foreign Affairs Committee, I am devoting, in my address today, special attention to the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy and to what Estonia accentuates in it. At the same time, we cannot overlook other topics essential from the foreign policy point of view, like Estonia’s contribution to NATO, our foreign economic policy, as well as development and regional cooperation.
To begin with, let us deal with developments in the European Union during the last half year. The new European Parliament, elected from the 10 – 13 June, among them the six members elected from Estonia, started its work on the 20 July. The new European Commission, with Commissioner Siim Kallas as one of its vice-presidents, assumed its duties on the 22 November.
An essential achievement for the further development of the European Union was the agreement arrived at by the heads of state and government, on the 18 June, concerning the draft Treaty establishing a constitution for Europe. Compared to the former treaties, the Union’s division of competencies has now been regulated, the role of the Member State parliaments has been increased, the Charter of Fundamental Rights has been made legally binding. Also, the system of legal acts has been simplified. I would like to stress, that Estonia supports the further integration of the European Union, but this needs to be justified and must have the general support of Europe’s citizens.
On the 29 October, the ceremonial signing of the European Constitutional Treaty took place in Rome. As proposed by Netherlands, the presently presiding state of the European Union, the closing date of the ratification process is officially 1 November 2006. On the 2 September, the Government presented its preliminary assessment of the Constitutional Treaty, which was based upon the thorough analysis, or White Book, put together by an interministerial working group. The Government finds, that the Riigikogu should ratify the Constitutional Treaty.
Negotiations are continuing concerning the Union’s financial framework for the years 2007 – 2013. After the Commission’s legislative proposals of July and September, discussions have become noticeably more detailed. In the course of Luxembourg’s Presidency, during the first half of 2005, there will, potentially, be a period of intensive negotiations, when, it is hoped, a political agreement will be arrived at. The achieving of a satisfactory agreement is especially essential since the establishing of a financial framework is not just a matter of specifying revenues and expenses in the European Union’s budget, but rather, a more general defining of the Union’s goals, priority activities, and commitments.
In principle, Estonia is in agreement with the Commission’s proposed financial framework priorities since they coincide with our long-term interests. For Estonia, the most essential goals at the financial framework negotiations are the achieving of the aims of the Lisbon strategy; the fairness and achievability of the Cohesion Policy; the adequate financing of educational, scientific, and developmental activities; as well as the promotion of the European Neighbourhood Policy. The Government has repeatedly stressed the position, that the European Union’s budgetary framework should be as simple and transparent as possible.
From the point of view of the European Union’s future, it is very important to arrive at a consensus concerning the Union’s further enlargement. Estonia has consistently supported the principle, that further enlargement must be based upon the same principles and criteria as those that were used as guidelines during the last enlargement. The signposts for further enlargement are the Commission’s progress reports and strategy documents that were released on the 6 October. We hope, that both Bulgaria’s and Romania’s accession to the European Union will take place as planned -- on 1 January 2007. The pre-accession strategy drawn up by the Commission should enable Croatia to make good progress towards European Union membership. Praiseworthy is the Turkish government’s determination in the carrying out of extensive reforms. This progress made it possible for the Commission to determine that the Copenhagen Political Criteria have been sufficiently fulfilled, and to recommend the commencement of accession negotiations with Turkey. According to plan, the decision concerning this matter will be made at the 16 – 17 December session of the Council of the European Union.
Dear Members of the Riigikogu!
I would now like to move on to the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy. It is clear, that the European Union’s foreign policy leverage and coordination must increase, especially when considering the new threats and challenges to international security. At the same time, I would like to stress, that the most essential guarantee of Europe’s security and stability is a strong transatlantic relationship. Therefore, Estonia regards as extremely essential the durability of the cooperative relations between the European Union and the United States. For Estonia, one of the most important priorities in the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy is the matter of transatlantic relations.
And now, I would like to present an overview of the European Union’s Neighbourhood Policy, which has the goal of strengthening relations with the Union’s eastern and southern neighbours. It is apparent, that closer economic and political cooperation, as well as the solving of so-called frozen conflicts in several of the European Union’s neighbouring states is essential from the point of view of the security and welfare of Europe as a whole.
Estonia, as a European Union border state, realizes, especially clearly, the need for creating and strengthening a zone of social and economic welfare as well as of stability in the immediate vicinity of the Union’s external borders. The priority role of the Neighbourhood Policy is also reflected in the document The Government’s European Union Policy 2004 – 2006. Due to our geographical location, our attention is mainly concentrated upon cooperation with the European Union’s eastern neighbours, but we also support the development of the Union’s relations with southern neighbours.
Estonia welcomes the European Union’s cooperation with neighbours on the basis of individual action plans. With six partners -- Ukraine, Moldova, Morocco, Tunisia, Jordan, and the Palestinian Authority -- the Commission has already reached agreements concerning action plans. Negotiations with Israel are still ongoing, and let us hope, that these will also be concluded successfully. Even if the opposite proves to be true, the aforementioned six action plans should be approved. In every way heartening is the General Affairs and External Relations Council’s decision, at its 17 - 18 June session, to include the Southern Caucasus states in the European Neighbourhood process.
Cooperation with the European Union’s neighbouring states is a realm in which the Union’s new Member States’ political and economic reform experience is especially valuable. Estonia’s major exertions, within the framework of the European Neighbourhood Policy, have, so far, been directed, primarily, at Ukraine and Georgia.
Ukraine has declared its aspirations for integration into the European Union, but is, as we know, confronted by essential domestic and foreign policy choices. During the second round of the presidential elections, on November 21, the principles of democracy and a state governed by the rule of law were ignored. On December 26, the Ukrainian people will be making an essential decision regarding their future. From the point of view of the future of Europe as a whole, it is important, that in this large state there exists a functioning democracy, a developed civil society, and an effective economy.
The European Union’s more extensive cooperation with Ukraine is dependent upon the implementation of realistic reforms in that state. Estonia is actively contributing to Ukraine’s development as a democratic state. This takes place, primarily, through development cooperation projects, and by participating in the formulation of the European Neighbourhood Policy directed towards Ukraine.
In the case of Georgia, we are happy to be able to note, that this state has declared its clear desire for reform, and this political aspiration must be supported in every way. During his visit to Estonia, Georgia’s president, Mihhail Saakašvili had two clear and essential messages for us. Firstly, that Georgia wishes to proceed down the road of democratic European values. Secondly, that Georgia regards Estonia’s achievements as the example to follow. I also observed this wish to learn from Estonia’s experiences during my summer visit to Georgia. In the course of the year 2004, one of the main recipients of Estonia’s development assistance has been Georgia. A more active approach to aiding Georgia gives a realistic opportunity for contributing to the development and stabilisation of the region. Despite limited resources, Georgian officials have, this year, been given courses in the spheres of information society development, the environment, European Union integration, as well as taxation and financial policy. Also noteworthy is the cooperation between the Estonian and Georgian ministries of defence.
I would like to stress that our bilateral activities in Georgia, just like the European Union’s cooperation with Georgia through the ESDP Mission and, in the future, the Neighbourhood Policy, is part of a broader international effort to stabilise the whole region. This is the goal of the OSCE’s work in Georgia, to which Estonia contributes extensively. Also, the UN’s planned aid programmes may be mentioned, in the framework of which, Estonia is considering the possible training of Georgian police personnel in our Public Service Academy.
And now, I would like to say a few words also about Moldova and Belarus. Cooperation between Estonia and Moldova has intensified, and will continue to do so in the future. It is especially heartening to note, that the role of non-governmental organisations in this sphere is noticeable. At the same time, of primary importance, from the point of view of Moldovan development and international cooperation, is the solving of the crisis in Transnistria, which is both a stumbling block for Moldovan development, and a threat to all of Europe. As we all know, elections will be taking place, next year, in Moldova, so that international, just as Estonia’s, interest in that state will, in the near future, become even greater. Worrisome is the situation in Belarus, especially in light of the recent elections. But, similarly to other European Union Member States, Estonia does not support the isolating of Belarus. Relations with Belarus should be based upon a pragmatic and selective approach when it comes to developing both the spheres of activity and contacts, with the yardstick being the promotion of democracy, as well as human rights and freedoms. But this calls for a better coordination of the European Union’s Belarus policy.
Respected Riigikogu!
Today, I would like to devote special attention to both the European Union’s and Estonia’s relations with Russia. The Beslan hostage drama earned the sympathy of the whole world. Estonia, for its part, has shown readiness to help the Beslan victims. Immediately after those tragic events, the Estonian Red Cross opened a special bank account for donations, and has so far accumulated close to 1.3 million kroons. The government also plans to contribute to the Red Cross from development cooperation funds.
It is praiseworthy, that the European Union is developing a partnership with Russia on the basis of the Four Common Spaces, which are: the economic space; the freedom, internal security, and justice space; the external security space; as well as the scientific, educational, and cultural space. But the adoption of documents as essential as the Four Common Spaces Action Plans cannot be rushed, since, as a base document for the following few years, this agreement must express the principles and interests of both parties. Much has been made of the work done at the recent European Union and Russian summit in the Hague, where it was confirmed, that everyone wants to achieve an agreement concerning the Four Spaces Action Plans by the summit of May 2005. At the same time, the mechanism of the cooperation encompassing Russia has, in many ways, remained open to multiple interpretations. It is not clear, for instance, how the European Union’s special relations with Russia influence the European Union states’ cross-border cooperation with Russia and its financing.
The European Union and Russian Partnership and Cooperation Agreement’s (PCA) Enlargement Protocol, just as the ratification of the Kyoto Protocol by the Duma on 22 October, must definitely be viewed as positive steps. Another welcome development is the agreement achieved at the Hague summit between the European Union and Russia regarding the starting of consultations in the field of human rights, concerning questions that are of interest to both parties. At the same time, recent political developments in Russia have been of a dubious nature and are giving an ever clearer indication of the slowing down -- if not an outright stoppage -- of the democratisation process in that state. As Russia’s immediate neighbour, Estonia follows, especially attentively, the effects that developments there are having on foreign policy. The concern over the changes taking place in Russia’s domestic and foreign policy is global, which was vividly proven by the publication, at the end of September, of the letter signed by a hundred United States and European opinion-makers. Thus, more than ever, the European Union’s Russian policy must be unified and consistent. Its cornerstone must be the observance of long-term common values, not the furthering of narrow momentary economic interests or other short-term considerations.
Estonian and Russian mutual relations are being negatively affected by the repeated violation of Estonia’s air space by Russian Federation airplanes. As I also noted at our spring foreign policy guidelines debate, the improvement of Estonia’s relations with Russia would be helped along by the international condemnation of the crimes of Communist regimes, by Russia admitting what happened in the past, as well as by the signing of the border treaties. Let us hope, that Putin’s promise at the Hague summit on 25 November, that the border treaties with Estonia and Latvia will be signed in the near future, becomes a reality. As you know, these treaties were ready to be signed several years ago, and Estonia is continually prepared to sign the border treaties.
Russia’s ending, on 1 May, of the double customs tariffs, which had been levied against goods of Estonian origin, has undoubtedly had a positive effect upon Estonian-Russian trade. At the same time, Russia has unfortunately continued to implement measures, which have hindered the development of economic relations with both Estonia and other states. Therefore, we have, for some time already, had to deal with problems relating to the phytosanitary barriers for organic goods and also railroad tariffs. In both matters, the European Commission, which represents the interests of Member States, has an essential role to play.
Dear Members of the Riigikogu!
Now, let us talk about European and international security, as well as Estonia’s contribution to achieving it. This task is a significant element in the National Security Concept that was ratified by the Riigikogu in June of this year. In the course of summarizing the matter of security, I will look at the specific and then the more general, dealing first of all with concrete crisis hotbeds, and talking afterwards about broader developments in the ESDP and NATO.
The situation in both Iraq and the Middle East generally are, at the moment, the key questions concerning international security. Our Defence Force personnel, as part of the coalition forces, are continuing their highly responsible mission of ensuring security and achieving stability in Iraq. The Estonian mission, unfortunately, again confronted danger on October 25 in the most tragic way -- we suffered our second military fatality. Despite this painful loss, Estonia is continuing to fulfil its alliance commitments. In accordance with the Government’s proposal that was confirmed by the Riigikogu on 14 April, the mission has been extended till 20 June 2005. The prerequisites for normal life in Iraq are the carrying out of successful elections in January of next year, thereafter, the drafting and adoption of a new constitution, and new elections at the end of 2005. The ensuring of developments leading to such solutions is the goal of our participation in international forces. Extremely essential is a more extensive UN presence in Iraq, just like the European Union’s greater participation. Estonia supports the ensuring of the UN mission’s security with half a million kroons, and is considering its possible contributions to the incipient NATO training mission in Iraq. Also, Estonia supports the European Union’s aid mission for building up Iraq’s judicial and police system.
Naturally, another precondition for lasting peace in the region, as well as for the stabilisation of Iraq, is the finding of a solution for the conflict between Israel and Palestine. It is essential to follow the Roadmap and the goals established by it, which will ensure the creation of an independent Palestinian state next to a secure Israel. The Palestinian presidential elections next year, on January 9, will be an important litmus test -- the administration in Palestine must be democratic and be able to prevent terrorism.
The stabilising of the situation in Afghanistan is as essential as before. A worthy contribution to this endeavour is being made by the Estonian Defence Force personnel serving in the NATO mission. The first democratic presidential elections in Afghanistan, on October 9, were greeted throughout the world. Let us hope, that the political processes in Afghanistan will continue in a positive direction, and that the parliamentary elections to be carried out in April of 2005, will also be successful.
There is also general international concern over Iran’s nuclear programme. Teheran’s recent promise to abide by the nuclear weapons non-proliferation treaty is a welcome development. At the same time, it is clear that Iran must continue cooperating with the International Atomic Energy Agency. Other matters also need to be dealt with, among them, human rights in Iran.
From the point of view of European security and welfare, we must definitely, besides the aforementioned regions, not leave out the Western Balkans, where NATO and European Union activity has been direct and successful, from the viewpoint of the security of Europe as a whole. Estonian foreign policy activity in the Western Balkan context has, without a doubt, increased during the last few years. This has expressed itself in two ways. Firstly, through development cooperation and Estonian readiness to pass on its experiences with the implementation of reforms and in the realm of European Union integration -- for instance, among other things, in the form of E-Governance Academy training programmes. Secondly, our Defence Force personnel and police officers have, for years already, been participating in international stabilisation forces stationed in the region. At the moment, Estonia’s all-time biggest peacekeeping contingent -- a total of 122 Defence Force personnel -- is serving in Kosovo.
It is in every way praiseworthy, that the European Union pays ever more attention to the world’s crisis hotbeds, including so-called “failed states”, thereby being the world’s biggest aid giver in the realm of development cooperation. At the moment, in Africa, the European Union is concentrating upon solving the conflict that has broken out in Darfur province in the western part of Sudan, and upon the aiding of people who have suffered in the war. Estonia has designated half a million kroons for the UN High Commissioner for Refugees for aiding those who have suffered in the Sudan conflict. Despite Estonia’s limited monetary resources, development cooperation is becoming a very essential part of Estonia’s foreign policy, being thus an expression of our proactive approach.
Talking about the European Security and Defence Policy, or the ESDP, in general, it can be stated, that Estonia is satisfied with its development to date. Of this half-year’s main activities connected with the European Union’s Security and Defence Policy, mention should first be made of the launching of the military operation ALTHEA in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in which Estonia is also participating. Secondly, within the framework of the ESDP, there has been a further development of military capabilities in accordance with the European Union’s new headline goal for the year 2010. Thirdly, endeavours are continuing for the establishment of the European Defence Agency. A consensus has been arrived at concerning the establishment of European Union battle groups. Estonia is also taking part in this endeavour, but the form and extent of our participation is still being defined.
As is well known, Estonia proceeds from the principle of the indivisibility of European security; the need for strong transatlantic ties; and the concept, that in the process of ensuring security in Europe and the world, the ESDP and NATO must supplement each other. Therefore, when planning the further development of the ESDP, appropriate NATO developments must be taken into consideration, and the cooperative capability of the organisations must be taken into account in the development of military capabilities.
Estonia is a NATO Member State for the eighth month, and continues to actively contribute to NATO operations in the Balkans and Afghanistan in accordance with its capabilities and available resources. The NATO summit in Istanbul on 28 – 29 June confirmed the sustainability of the Alliance’s activities, and the need for the further development of capabilities. NATO operations and the ensuring of appropriate capabilities are some of the main tasks of the Alliance and its Member States. In the sphere of capabilities, Estonia also has its definite tasks and goals. We have to keep the promises made and the commitments we took upon ourselves during NATO accession, including the maintaining of defence expenditures at the level of two percent of GDP. Only thus can we be reliable allies, and hope, that we will be heard in the foreign policy realm.
Partnership policy is one of NATO’s priorities. This is directly connected to the matter of the aforementioned European Union Neighbourhood Policy. Estonia welcomes partnership development with Caucasian and Central Asian states, especially Georgia. Just as essential is the intensification of cooperation with the states of the Mediterranean Dialogue and the Wider Middle East, as well as the development of NATO relations with Russia and Ukraine. Intensive cooperation must also be definitely continued with our closest NATO Partner States. The Estonian Embassy in Helsinki, for instance, has, since the 1 September, the honour of being NATO’s contact point in Finland.
To conclude my summary of security matters, I would once more bring forth the ever-increasing pressure of so-called new threats upon Estonia’s security. Not only international terrorism, but also HIV/AIDS, organized crime, and threats in the information technology sphere are challenges to which, domestically, considerably more attention must be paid than ever before. Since security risks with international dimensions are involved, we must constantly give them greater consideration also in the formulation of our foreign policy.
Respected Riigikogu!
Now, let us take a look at developments in Estonia’s foreign economic policy. After Estonia's accession to the European Union, there has been a multiple increase in the interest that European small and medium sized enterprises are showing towards cooperation with Estonian firms.
To ensure Estonia’s foreign economic success in the future, we must, more and more, look beyond Europe. The 21st century has been labelled Asia’s century -- Asia is seen as presenting the world’s economy both with great challenges as well as immense opportunities. It is clear, that Estonia cannot, at this point, remain in the role of a passive observer, but must strengthen its presence in Asia. Among Asian states, special importance must, without a doubt, be given to China and Japan, with which Estonia has extensive trade relations, although, with a noticeable deficit.
Since October of this year, Estonia is a full member of the European Union-Asian cooperation forum ASEM. This gives Estonia an excellent opportunity to relate with Asian states within a completely new framework. In the year 2005, the member states of ASEAN, Southeast Asia’s biggest organisation for economic cooperation, will begin negotiations regarding the establishment of a regional free trade zone, which would encompass 590 million people.
But the broadening of Estonia’s foreign policy scope must definitely not result in the paying of less attention to our adjacent region. The ending, last summer, of Estonia’s presidency of the Council of Baltic Sea States does not, for us, mean a decrease in the intensity and significance of regional cooperation. The modernizing of the Council of Baltic Sea States, which began during Estonia’s presidency, with the enlargement of the European Union, ensures the carrying out of tasks in the future with a regional dimension. Cooperation and common interests have been the common denominators in the development and use of the Baltic Sea region’s potential. Today, this is convincingly illustrated by the role of the Baltic Sea as a dynamic growth region of Europe. Estonia’s main achievement as the presiding state of the Council of Baltic Sea States must surely be the progress made in the sphere of agreements for ensuring the protection of the Baltic Sea, especially when dealing with the banning of the use of single-hulled tankers.
This year has brought several significant changes to the sphere of Estonian, Latvian, and Lithuanian cooperation. These have been based primarily on the need to modernize cooperation in accordance with European Union and NATO membership. After an agreement was achieved regarding structural reforms initiated by Estonia, the meeting of the prime ministers in Riga, on 4 October 2004, approved the continuation of the work of the Committee of Five Senior Officials, within the framework of the Council of Baltic Ministers, for the year 2005. This encompasses the Committees dealing with transport and communications, energy, defence, the environment, and internal affairs. Thanks to the reforms, there should be a significant intensification of cooperation between the Council of Baltic Ministers and the Baltic Assembly. Estonia’s aim is to continue Baltic cooperation with the aid of a flexible and simple cooperative structure, which would effectively promote Estonian, Latvian, and Lithuanian common interests in a quickly changing international environment. There will be a good opportunity for achieving this goal in 2005, when Estonia will be the presiding country of Baltic cooperation.
Dear Members of the Riigikogu!
I thank you for your active cooperation in the formulating of our foreign policy, and wish you all the best in the future!
