Address by the Minister of Foreign Affairs Kristiina Ojuland at St Antony's College, Oxford
EU25 > 15+10
Dear Warden,
Ladies and gentlemen!
Allow me to start by expressing my gratitude for giving me the opportunity to participate in the lecture series of the European Studies Centre of St Antony's College. It is a great honour to speak at your prestigious university, the centre of such academic excellence, and in front of such a distinguished audience.
Today, I want to discuss the imminent enlargement, as well as the future, of the European Union from the Estonian perspective. I would like to stress in advance, however, that although Estonia’s and Britain’s place in the enlarged European Union differs significantly, our vision about the future of the Union coincides in many important respects. An eloquent proof of this was the article on taxation in the European Union, co-authored by the British and Estonian prime ministers, Tony Blair and Juhan Parts, which was published last November in The Financial Times.
I also have a personal example of our common perceptions. It is well known, that at one of the European Council summits, Mr Jacques Chirac, President of France, represented Germany. It is less well known, however, that during one of the sessions of the Intergovernmental Conference last year, the foreign minister of Estonia represented the United Kingdom. Similarly I had the honour of representing my Latvian colleague at the EU meeting with US Secretary of State Colin Powell. Representing each other at meetings is symbolic of the reality of today’s Europe. European integration is not confined to institutions, it also includes shared visions. Although, there have recently been concerns about the possibility, that different interests of Member States might have a negative effect on the future and unity of the enlarged European Union, the overriding common national interest of all of us – old and new, big and small countries alike – is the same: we want ourselves and others to enjoy peace, stability, and prosperity. We believe that the best way to achieve this is through the enlarged European Union. We want European integration to succeed.
The political and economic implications of the enlargement are obvious – twenty-five European countries acting as one, in the international arena, is a force with considerably more weight than the sum total of twenty-five individual countries. Europe must be strong, in order to achieve its goals in many areas.
An enlarged Europe will also benefit European culture as a whole. Pluralism and cultural diversity has made Europe so successful in the past, and will provide a great potential also for the future.
It goes without saying, however, that the upcoming enlargement also poses several obvious challenges for both current members and Acceding Countries, as well as the European Union as a whole. The founding members have half a century of experience in European integration, and have seen how the three previous enlargements in the history of the European Union have changed the Union, in more or less, dramatic ways. The first enlargement, three decades ago, added three countries – Britain, Denmark, and Ireland. While the founding members intended to create a political community, of which the economic communities were the first step, the three new members placed a greater emphasis on the economic aspect of the community. The tension between these two visions has been present ever since, and is still important to the debates concerning the future of the European Union today. The accession of Greece, Spain, and Portugal, two decades ago, also shifted priorities significantly, and led to the development of a cohesion policy, but also to the increased budgetary tensions between richer and poorer members of the European Union. The accession of relatively wealthier Austria, Finland, and Sweden, a decade ago, added the northern dimension to the Union, and brought along a greater focus on social and environmental issues.
The enlargement, which takes place in May, however, is particularly dramatic. And not only because of its "big bang" nature. Above all, it has a powerful symbolic meaning. The membership of ten new countries, to the east and the south, touches the "collective psyche" of Europe. This enlargement erases the dividing line that was drawn during the Cold War between Eastern and Western Europe.
The continuation of the Cold War division, into the 21st century, is unthinkable and morally unjustifiable. For the countries that are involved in enlargement, it concludes the process of European reunification, which was launched, with the fall of the Berlin Wall, and the collapse of Communist regimes in Europe. It can be said, that for at least eight countries, the Cold War will truly come to an end on 1 May 2004, when they rejoin the rest of Europe after more than six decades of forced and artificial separation.
What could be the most immediate challenges that the enlarged Union might have to face? An obvious one is a change in the borders of the Union. This means new neighbours, and hence, a need for new policies, for dealing with them. This is where the experience and the know-how of new members can be particularly useful. It is also clear, that the ongoing enlargement will be accompanied with changes in the decision-making process of the European Union, as well as, within its institutional structure. A matter that is currently being debated at the Intergovernmental Conference.
The functioning of the Union after enlargement means, that the priorities of, not fifteen, but twenty-five Member States, have to be reconciled. It also entails the coordinating of the external priorities of an increased number of countries. This has posed a challenge already for the fifteen current members, as was evident last year in the case of Iraq. Obviously, the Union must make its institutions more efficient, so as to be able to cope with the arising situations. The balance between small and big states, as well as, between the net contributors and net recipients from the EU budget, will also change considerably.
These challenges, however, are not essentially new in the history of the European Union, and are clearly outweighed by the long-term benefits of the reunification of Europe, the word that I would particularly want to emphasise. The enlargement in May makes Europe – or at least most of it – a whole again, after so many decades of artificial division. Europe would not be the same without Budapest and Prague, which have been the heart of Europe for centuries, or without the Hanseatic towns of Tallinn and Riga. The Baltic Sea was Europe’s true mare nostrum during the times of the Hanseatic League – a unifying, not dividing sea – and is becoming one again.
European integration worked for Western Europe both in terms of economic reconstruction as well as the creation of post-war peace and stability after various decades dominated by nationalism, totalitarian ideologies, and tensions between countries. It led to prosperity, completely different political agenda and changed system of inter-state relations.
The genius of Jean Monnet and the Schuman plan will work for the new members as well. The preparation for accession has been a motor of transformation and has undoubtedly contributed to stability and prosperity in Europe as a whole. In Estonia, we started our transformation in the early 1990s at a time when we did not expect to join the European Economic Community in the near future. In retrospect, we did many things right but it was only in the accession negotiations that we realized how much work we still had ahead of us. Without the prospect of European integration, we would not have achieved as much as we have today. And without integration, today’s Europe would be a worse place than it is today. Security in Europe is indivisible and the enlargement of the European Union extends the model of stability and prosperity that has worked so well in the West.
The economic dimension of the enlargement is most evident and discernible. European integration is a long-term process where we must, mutually, discuss all possible options, and ultimately implement everything that all members have agreed upon. The agreement to pursue economic integration has worked very well, -- the reunification of Europe extends the single market. This contributes to the goal of transforming the European Union into the most competitive economy in the world. Enlargement adds almost eighty million new citizens to the European Union, which is a significant contribution to the Union's labour force. This is particularly important, considering that the population of Europe, as a whole, has been decreasing and aging constantly, which has an adverse effect upon the region’s competitiveness.
Dear ladies and gentlemen,
Now, a few words about the future of the European Union from the Estonian perspective. Membership in the European Union, as well as in the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, has been the main priority of Estonian foreign policy since the country regained its independence in 1991. Pan-European ideas in Estonia are, however, much older than that. Noor Eesti (Young Estonia), a significant literary movement, which influenced 20th century Estonian thinking, called for "becoming European, but remaining Estonian", already a hundred years ago. One of the major proponents of the Pan-European movement in Estonia, during the 1920s, Kaarel Robert Pusta, the one time Estonian foreign minister and ambassador to France, argued in 1929, echoing the ideas of count Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi, that "everything that strengthens the unity of Europe, also provides security for our […] independence."
In November 1995, Estonia submitted its European Union membership application, and in 1997 received invitation, along with several other states with the same aspirations, to start accession negotiations. This process began, in March 1998, in Brussels, and was concluded in Copenhagen, in December 2002. The Accession Treaty was signed, last year, in Athens, on April 16. A correspondingly successful referendum on EU accession was held in Estonia on September 14, 2003.
It must be emphasised, however, that - like in Britain’s case - Estonian support for European integration has not been unconditional. The average Estonian has been cautious, as was indicated by the accession referendum. The referendum ultimately resulted in a "yes" vote, with 67 percent of the voters being for the accession. But this support was relatively low, compared with most other Acceding Countries.
Due to our recent history, the question of true Estonian sovereignty has played a central role in the debates concerning our European integration. This, I think, is a core question for Europe as a whole. Does European integration mean a transfer, or delegation, or pooling of sovereignty? Some of the answers, to these questions, may lie in the familiar social contract theory, the main philosophical justification for the existence of the "state".
The concept of a social contract entails the giving away of some of our freedoms, so that, everybody can equally benefit from the rewards of cooperation. It might be said, that the European Union is the social contract, which binds the peoples of Europe. We pool some of our sovereignty, and that is precisely, what makes coexistence, not just possible, but also beneficial. This is, yet, one more argument for the advantages that the European Union, of twenty-five members, has, over twenty-five individual countries.
It is rarely mentioned, that the European Union can also delegate some of its sovereignty to international organizations. One of the initial reasons for drafting the Constitutional Agreement was, to enable the Union to accede to the Council of the Europe Human Rights Convention. It is the essence of modern international relations to work together to solve common problems.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
The European Union, which Estonia is about to join, is a constantly developing organisation. After signing the Accession Treaty, Estonia was granted observer status. This gave us the right to participate in the work of the Council of the European Union at all decision-making levels. Estonia has made definite use of these opportunities. Within the framework of the consultation process, we have participated in the ongoing general procedures, so that, our interests would be taken into consideration, as the new European Union legislation is being drafted. Especially, when it comes to taxation, environmental, domestic, judicial, and energy matters. Estonia has also actively participated in formulating the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy.
The enlargement of the European Union, and the more thorough integration, which accompanies this process, makes it essential, that institutional and procedural changes are made. A noteworthy achievement is, no doubt, the fact that both the Member States as well as the Acceding Countries are unanimous concerning the need to make the European Union legislative process, as a whole, public and more comprehensible for the citizens of Europe.
Estonia supports the development of the European Union, as a union of states, in which the equal treatment of all members is assured. This has always been one of the European Union’s basic principles, and must also be maintained in the future.
After the European Council held on 12-13 December and the failure to conclude the Intergovernmental Conference, some founding members of the European Union, have resuscitated the old idea of "two-speed Europe," distinguishing between the "core Europe" characterised by increased integration, and the rest. There have even been suggestions that the Constitutional Treaty of the European Union could be adopted only by a selected number of Member States. Other terms like “pioneer” and “avant-garde group” have also been used.
Such distinctions are, to my mind, counter-productive and politically dangerous. "Core Europe" can, in essence, be interpreted as protectionist, encapsulating, and exclusivist. A distinction of this kind does not contribute to the dynamic development of Europe. Quite the contrary - it even threatens to slow it down. Steady progress of reforms is, however, of vital importance in the situation where the population of Europe is aging and thereby, the competitiveness of Europe is decreasing. The concept of an enlarged Europe, which entails unity, rather than division, is, to unite us, rather than to create new divisions. Possibilities for closer co-operation already exist in the current treaties. There are successful examples, such as the Economic and Monetary Union and Schengen. But closer co-operation has to be flexible and adjustable to the needs of Member States in different policy areas.
In spite of the considerable progress achieved during the Italian Presidency at the Intergovernmental Conference, there are a few big issues – the matter of qualified majority voting in particular – and several smaller ones, that still need to be agreed upon. Recent developments give hope that reaching consensus is possible, and that the IGC probably can be completed during the Irish Presidency.
Ladies and gentlemen,
I would also like to add a few words about the Estonian perspective on the European Union’s common foreign and security policy. As far as the Union’s external relations are concerned, Estonia totally shares the majority of the other Member States’ conviction, that the European Union’s international role needs to be increased. There exists a significant potential for this, considering that the collective opinion, and the joint actions of twenty-five states, carry much more weight than the simple sum of the actions of individual states.
We support the new European Neighbourhood Policy and in particular the “New Neighbours” initiative, and are ready to actively develop relations with the European Union’s Eastern next-door neighbours, as well as to participate – both financially and with intellectual capital – in the cooperation projects aimed at the Western Balkan states. We already have experience with carrying out bilateral development cooperation with several of the Western Balkan states. After accession to the European Union we can even better contribute to the international efforts to help these states. This is significant for all of Europe. Just as stability in Ukraine, Belarus, Georgia, and Moldova augments security in the whole Europe. Various policies aimed at both the South Caucasus states and the "New Neighbours" are still being formulated in the European Union, thus giving Estonia and other new members a chance to contribute with their particular historical experience and know-how to this effort.
Estonia is also committed to the development of the Barcelona process and close partnership of the EU with its Mediterranean neighbours. It is important to look for ways to establish in foreseeable future a free trade area of the countries of the Southern Mediterranean.
The European Union’s partnership with Russia is of great importance. We will contribute to the development of this partnership and also continue bilateral cross-border cooperation with neighbouring regions of Russia. In less than a month’s time presidential elections will be held in Russia. We are following the developments in Russia closely. Like all the Member States and Acceding Countries Estonia underlines the importance of the extension by Russia of the EU-Russia Partnership and Cooperation agreement from May 1.
In our view the European Union should be careful, however, in extending cooperation in the area of defence policy, as this could unnecessarily duplicate the cooperation in the NATO framework and have negative implications for the existing transatlantic security structure. In this respect our position is very similar to that of the United Kingdom. Regarding the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP), Estonia supports in principle the strengthening of the Union’s capabilities. We appreciate the EU and NATO agreement – Berlin Plus – that enables the European Union, within the framework of the so-called Petersberg tasks, to also carry out military operations. The further development of the ESDP, however, should not cause a weakening of the transatlantic link or duplicate NATO. Strong transatlantic cooperation between Europe and the United States is of utmost importance for global security. We see NATO as the only credible guarantee of collective security in Europe, and the ESDP thus as an addition to NATO.
Among the most important endeavours of European integration are the increased efficiency and competitiveness of the European economy with a strong internal market. In order to revitalize the European economy, it is important that all Member States follow the conditions imposed on their fiscal policy by the Stability and Growth Pact. Even further liberalization of markets and maximization of the potential of all Member States rather than suffocating it with red tape is also of particular importance. Estonia has been in the forefront among Acceding Countries in this respect. According to the World Economic Forum Global Competitiveness Report, in 2003 Estonia ranked 22nd with its growth competitiveness index, ahead of seven EU Member States. Of the Acceding Countries, only Malta did better.
Efficiency and increased competitiveness are the core of the so-called Lisbon strategy and Estonian priorities coincide to a large extent with the measures that the Irish Presidency is undertaking to implement the strategy. Among these are creating more employment in Europe, investment in human resources, life-long learning, and the promotion of environmentally safe technologies.
In addition, to secure economic growth in Europe and increase its competitiveness, research and development and scientific innovations should be prioritised even more. Increased attention has to be paid to the development of information and communication as well the so-called frontier technologies, biotechnology in particular. Estonia is among the most successful Acceding Countries also in this respect. The information technology report by Harvard University from 2002, for example, gave the ICT development in Estonia the 23rd ranking among 75 countries surveyed. Estonia was the only CEE country among the top 25 and will take this innovative and cutting-edge approach along to the European Union.
Ladies and gentlemen,
The basis for the success of the European Union has been the capability of uniting very different states into a functioning mechanism, and thereby generating development and growth. It has been characterized as the “most successful union of countries in the history of mankind” that has set an example for other communities in different parts of the world.
The enlargement on 1 May will add ten new members to the European Union. This is not integration for the sake of integration but a process that will bring very real benefits for everyone. It creates the surplus value of prosperity and security that the divided Europe would not be able to provide.
Thank you for your attention!
Dear Warden,
Ladies and gentlemen!
Allow me to start by expressing my gratitude for giving me the opportunity to participate in the lecture series of the European Studies Centre of St Antony's College. It is a great honour to speak at your prestigious university, the centre of such academic excellence, and in front of such a distinguished audience.
Today, I want to discuss the imminent enlargement, as well as the future, of the European Union from the Estonian perspective. I would like to stress in advance, however, that although Estonia’s and Britain’s place in the enlarged European Union differs significantly, our vision about the future of the Union coincides in many important respects. An eloquent proof of this was the article on taxation in the European Union, co-authored by the British and Estonian prime ministers, Tony Blair and Juhan Parts, which was published last November in The Financial Times.
I also have a personal example of our common perceptions. It is well known, that at one of the European Council summits, Mr Jacques Chirac, President of France, represented Germany. It is less well known, however, that during one of the sessions of the Intergovernmental Conference last year, the foreign minister of Estonia represented the United Kingdom. Similarly I had the honour of representing my Latvian colleague at the EU meeting with US Secretary of State Colin Powell. Representing each other at meetings is symbolic of the reality of today’s Europe. European integration is not confined to institutions, it also includes shared visions. Although, there have recently been concerns about the possibility, that different interests of Member States might have a negative effect on the future and unity of the enlarged European Union, the overriding common national interest of all of us – old and new, big and small countries alike – is the same: we want ourselves and others to enjoy peace, stability, and prosperity. We believe that the best way to achieve this is through the enlarged European Union. We want European integration to succeed.
The political and economic implications of the enlargement are obvious – twenty-five European countries acting as one, in the international arena, is a force with considerably more weight than the sum total of twenty-five individual countries. Europe must be strong, in order to achieve its goals in many areas.
An enlarged Europe will also benefit European culture as a whole. Pluralism and cultural diversity has made Europe so successful in the past, and will provide a great potential also for the future.
It goes without saying, however, that the upcoming enlargement also poses several obvious challenges for both current members and Acceding Countries, as well as the European Union as a whole. The founding members have half a century of experience in European integration, and have seen how the three previous enlargements in the history of the European Union have changed the Union, in more or less, dramatic ways. The first enlargement, three decades ago, added three countries – Britain, Denmark, and Ireland. While the founding members intended to create a political community, of which the economic communities were the first step, the three new members placed a greater emphasis on the economic aspect of the community. The tension between these two visions has been present ever since, and is still important to the debates concerning the future of the European Union today. The accession of Greece, Spain, and Portugal, two decades ago, also shifted priorities significantly, and led to the development of a cohesion policy, but also to the increased budgetary tensions between richer and poorer members of the European Union. The accession of relatively wealthier Austria, Finland, and Sweden, a decade ago, added the northern dimension to the Union, and brought along a greater focus on social and environmental issues.
The enlargement, which takes place in May, however, is particularly dramatic. And not only because of its "big bang" nature. Above all, it has a powerful symbolic meaning. The membership of ten new countries, to the east and the south, touches the "collective psyche" of Europe. This enlargement erases the dividing line that was drawn during the Cold War between Eastern and Western Europe.
The continuation of the Cold War division, into the 21st century, is unthinkable and morally unjustifiable. For the countries that are involved in enlargement, it concludes the process of European reunification, which was launched, with the fall of the Berlin Wall, and the collapse of Communist regimes in Europe. It can be said, that for at least eight countries, the Cold War will truly come to an end on 1 May 2004, when they rejoin the rest of Europe after more than six decades of forced and artificial separation.
What could be the most immediate challenges that the enlarged Union might have to face? An obvious one is a change in the borders of the Union. This means new neighbours, and hence, a need for new policies, for dealing with them. This is where the experience and the know-how of new members can be particularly useful. It is also clear, that the ongoing enlargement will be accompanied with changes in the decision-making process of the European Union, as well as, within its institutional structure. A matter that is currently being debated at the Intergovernmental Conference.
The functioning of the Union after enlargement means, that the priorities of, not fifteen, but twenty-five Member States, have to be reconciled. It also entails the coordinating of the external priorities of an increased number of countries. This has posed a challenge already for the fifteen current members, as was evident last year in the case of Iraq. Obviously, the Union must make its institutions more efficient, so as to be able to cope with the arising situations. The balance between small and big states, as well as, between the net contributors and net recipients from the EU budget, will also change considerably.
These challenges, however, are not essentially new in the history of the European Union, and are clearly outweighed by the long-term benefits of the reunification of Europe, the word that I would particularly want to emphasise. The enlargement in May makes Europe – or at least most of it – a whole again, after so many decades of artificial division. Europe would not be the same without Budapest and Prague, which have been the heart of Europe for centuries, or without the Hanseatic towns of Tallinn and Riga. The Baltic Sea was Europe’s true mare nostrum during the times of the Hanseatic League – a unifying, not dividing sea – and is becoming one again.
European integration worked for Western Europe both in terms of economic reconstruction as well as the creation of post-war peace and stability after various decades dominated by nationalism, totalitarian ideologies, and tensions between countries. It led to prosperity, completely different political agenda and changed system of inter-state relations.
The genius of Jean Monnet and the Schuman plan will work for the new members as well. The preparation for accession has been a motor of transformation and has undoubtedly contributed to stability and prosperity in Europe as a whole. In Estonia, we started our transformation in the early 1990s at a time when we did not expect to join the European Economic Community in the near future. In retrospect, we did many things right but it was only in the accession negotiations that we realized how much work we still had ahead of us. Without the prospect of European integration, we would not have achieved as much as we have today. And without integration, today’s Europe would be a worse place than it is today. Security in Europe is indivisible and the enlargement of the European Union extends the model of stability and prosperity that has worked so well in the West.
The economic dimension of the enlargement is most evident and discernible. European integration is a long-term process where we must, mutually, discuss all possible options, and ultimately implement everything that all members have agreed upon. The agreement to pursue economic integration has worked very well, -- the reunification of Europe extends the single market. This contributes to the goal of transforming the European Union into the most competitive economy in the world. Enlargement adds almost eighty million new citizens to the European Union, which is a significant contribution to the Union's labour force. This is particularly important, considering that the population of Europe, as a whole, has been decreasing and aging constantly, which has an adverse effect upon the region’s competitiveness.
Dear ladies and gentlemen,
Now, a few words about the future of the European Union from the Estonian perspective. Membership in the European Union, as well as in the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, has been the main priority of Estonian foreign policy since the country regained its independence in 1991. Pan-European ideas in Estonia are, however, much older than that. Noor Eesti (Young Estonia), a significant literary movement, which influenced 20th century Estonian thinking, called for "becoming European, but remaining Estonian", already a hundred years ago. One of the major proponents of the Pan-European movement in Estonia, during the 1920s, Kaarel Robert Pusta, the one time Estonian foreign minister and ambassador to France, argued in 1929, echoing the ideas of count Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi, that "everything that strengthens the unity of Europe, also provides security for our […] independence."
In November 1995, Estonia submitted its European Union membership application, and in 1997 received invitation, along with several other states with the same aspirations, to start accession negotiations. This process began, in March 1998, in Brussels, and was concluded in Copenhagen, in December 2002. The Accession Treaty was signed, last year, in Athens, on April 16. A correspondingly successful referendum on EU accession was held in Estonia on September 14, 2003.
It must be emphasised, however, that - like in Britain’s case - Estonian support for European integration has not been unconditional. The average Estonian has been cautious, as was indicated by the accession referendum. The referendum ultimately resulted in a "yes" vote, with 67 percent of the voters being for the accession. But this support was relatively low, compared with most other Acceding Countries.
Due to our recent history, the question of true Estonian sovereignty has played a central role in the debates concerning our European integration. This, I think, is a core question for Europe as a whole. Does European integration mean a transfer, or delegation, or pooling of sovereignty? Some of the answers, to these questions, may lie in the familiar social contract theory, the main philosophical justification for the existence of the "state".
The concept of a social contract entails the giving away of some of our freedoms, so that, everybody can equally benefit from the rewards of cooperation. It might be said, that the European Union is the social contract, which binds the peoples of Europe. We pool some of our sovereignty, and that is precisely, what makes coexistence, not just possible, but also beneficial. This is, yet, one more argument for the advantages that the European Union, of twenty-five members, has, over twenty-five individual countries.
It is rarely mentioned, that the European Union can also delegate some of its sovereignty to international organizations. One of the initial reasons for drafting the Constitutional Agreement was, to enable the Union to accede to the Council of the Europe Human Rights Convention. It is the essence of modern international relations to work together to solve common problems.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
The European Union, which Estonia is about to join, is a constantly developing organisation. After signing the Accession Treaty, Estonia was granted observer status. This gave us the right to participate in the work of the Council of the European Union at all decision-making levels. Estonia has made definite use of these opportunities. Within the framework of the consultation process, we have participated in the ongoing general procedures, so that, our interests would be taken into consideration, as the new European Union legislation is being drafted. Especially, when it comes to taxation, environmental, domestic, judicial, and energy matters. Estonia has also actively participated in formulating the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy.
The enlargement of the European Union, and the more thorough integration, which accompanies this process, makes it essential, that institutional and procedural changes are made. A noteworthy achievement is, no doubt, the fact that both the Member States as well as the Acceding Countries are unanimous concerning the need to make the European Union legislative process, as a whole, public and more comprehensible for the citizens of Europe.
Estonia supports the development of the European Union, as a union of states, in which the equal treatment of all members is assured. This has always been one of the European Union’s basic principles, and must also be maintained in the future.
After the European Council held on 12-13 December and the failure to conclude the Intergovernmental Conference, some founding members of the European Union, have resuscitated the old idea of "two-speed Europe," distinguishing between the "core Europe" characterised by increased integration, and the rest. There have even been suggestions that the Constitutional Treaty of the European Union could be adopted only by a selected number of Member States. Other terms like “pioneer” and “avant-garde group” have also been used.
Such distinctions are, to my mind, counter-productive and politically dangerous. "Core Europe" can, in essence, be interpreted as protectionist, encapsulating, and exclusivist. A distinction of this kind does not contribute to the dynamic development of Europe. Quite the contrary - it even threatens to slow it down. Steady progress of reforms is, however, of vital importance in the situation where the population of Europe is aging and thereby, the competitiveness of Europe is decreasing. The concept of an enlarged Europe, which entails unity, rather than division, is, to unite us, rather than to create new divisions. Possibilities for closer co-operation already exist in the current treaties. There are successful examples, such as the Economic and Monetary Union and Schengen. But closer co-operation has to be flexible and adjustable to the needs of Member States in different policy areas.
In spite of the considerable progress achieved during the Italian Presidency at the Intergovernmental Conference, there are a few big issues – the matter of qualified majority voting in particular – and several smaller ones, that still need to be agreed upon. Recent developments give hope that reaching consensus is possible, and that the IGC probably can be completed during the Irish Presidency.
Ladies and gentlemen,
I would also like to add a few words about the Estonian perspective on the European Union’s common foreign and security policy. As far as the Union’s external relations are concerned, Estonia totally shares the majority of the other Member States’ conviction, that the European Union’s international role needs to be increased. There exists a significant potential for this, considering that the collective opinion, and the joint actions of twenty-five states, carry much more weight than the simple sum of the actions of individual states.
We support the new European Neighbourhood Policy and in particular the “New Neighbours” initiative, and are ready to actively develop relations with the European Union’s Eastern next-door neighbours, as well as to participate – both financially and with intellectual capital – in the cooperation projects aimed at the Western Balkan states. We already have experience with carrying out bilateral development cooperation with several of the Western Balkan states. After accession to the European Union we can even better contribute to the international efforts to help these states. This is significant for all of Europe. Just as stability in Ukraine, Belarus, Georgia, and Moldova augments security in the whole Europe. Various policies aimed at both the South Caucasus states and the "New Neighbours" are still being formulated in the European Union, thus giving Estonia and other new members a chance to contribute with their particular historical experience and know-how to this effort.
Estonia is also committed to the development of the Barcelona process and close partnership of the EU with its Mediterranean neighbours. It is important to look for ways to establish in foreseeable future a free trade area of the countries of the Southern Mediterranean.
The European Union’s partnership with Russia is of great importance. We will contribute to the development of this partnership and also continue bilateral cross-border cooperation with neighbouring regions of Russia. In less than a month’s time presidential elections will be held in Russia. We are following the developments in Russia closely. Like all the Member States and Acceding Countries Estonia underlines the importance of the extension by Russia of the EU-Russia Partnership and Cooperation agreement from May 1.
In our view the European Union should be careful, however, in extending cooperation in the area of defence policy, as this could unnecessarily duplicate the cooperation in the NATO framework and have negative implications for the existing transatlantic security structure. In this respect our position is very similar to that of the United Kingdom. Regarding the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP), Estonia supports in principle the strengthening of the Union’s capabilities. We appreciate the EU and NATO agreement – Berlin Plus – that enables the European Union, within the framework of the so-called Petersberg tasks, to also carry out military operations. The further development of the ESDP, however, should not cause a weakening of the transatlantic link or duplicate NATO. Strong transatlantic cooperation between Europe and the United States is of utmost importance for global security. We see NATO as the only credible guarantee of collective security in Europe, and the ESDP thus as an addition to NATO.
Among the most important endeavours of European integration are the increased efficiency and competitiveness of the European economy with a strong internal market. In order to revitalize the European economy, it is important that all Member States follow the conditions imposed on their fiscal policy by the Stability and Growth Pact. Even further liberalization of markets and maximization of the potential of all Member States rather than suffocating it with red tape is also of particular importance. Estonia has been in the forefront among Acceding Countries in this respect. According to the World Economic Forum Global Competitiveness Report, in 2003 Estonia ranked 22nd with its growth competitiveness index, ahead of seven EU Member States. Of the Acceding Countries, only Malta did better.
Efficiency and increased competitiveness are the core of the so-called Lisbon strategy and Estonian priorities coincide to a large extent with the measures that the Irish Presidency is undertaking to implement the strategy. Among these are creating more employment in Europe, investment in human resources, life-long learning, and the promotion of environmentally safe technologies.
In addition, to secure economic growth in Europe and increase its competitiveness, research and development and scientific innovations should be prioritised even more. Increased attention has to be paid to the development of information and communication as well the so-called frontier technologies, biotechnology in particular. Estonia is among the most successful Acceding Countries also in this respect. The information technology report by Harvard University from 2002, for example, gave the ICT development in Estonia the 23rd ranking among 75 countries surveyed. Estonia was the only CEE country among the top 25 and will take this innovative and cutting-edge approach along to the European Union.
Ladies and gentlemen,
The basis for the success of the European Union has been the capability of uniting very different states into a functioning mechanism, and thereby generating development and growth. It has been characterized as the “most successful union of countries in the history of mankind” that has set an example for other communities in different parts of the world.
The enlargement on 1 May will add ten new members to the European Union. This is not integration for the sake of integration but a process that will bring very real benefits for everyone. It creates the surplus value of prosperity and security that the divided Europe would not be able to provide.
Thank you for your attention!
© Estonian Foreign Ministry
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